the chamber of peers, and adopted by them. This first step was fatal to Napoleon and to the independence of France. Savary says in his Memoirs, that Fouché had prepared it by artfully playing upon the shallow vanity and weakness of Lafayette.

The life of this celebrated person has been always pure; his motives have been always disinterested. But his conduct has, in every great revolutionary crisis, fallen short of his reputation. The generosity of his sentiments, and even his personal bravery, evaporated in mere words. He has not in his long career from 1789 to 1830 left a single deeply graven trace of resolute, opportune, and decisive action. His ornamental patriotism has figured too little in the strife, and too much on the parade. He talked in this instance of liberty, when the question was national independence, without which there can be no political liberty,-scarcely any political virtue, and had the imbecility to suppose that he and a few other talkers would be allowed to choose a government of their fashion, when the duke of Wellington was advancing to the heart of France at the head of his army, with Louis XVIII. in his baggage train.

Napoleon regarded this resolution as a usurpation of sovereignty. He however sent a message by his ministers, with his brother Lucien, a man of energy and talent, as extraordinary commissioner, at their head. The day passed in interchanges of communications and angry disputes. "Ah," said Napoleon, "like the degenerate race of the lower empire, they dispute whilst the enemy is at the gate." Nothing remained for him but to trample upon the chamber, or abdicate the crown. His

advisers in whom he had most confidence recommended the alternative; and at night, on the 21st of June, he abdicated in favour of his son.

On the morning of the 22d, the act of abdication, dictated by Napoleon, and written by his brother Lucien, was presented to both chambers, which respectively sent deputations" to thank him for the noble sacrifice which he had made to the independence and happiness of the nation." Napoleon recommended his son to the peers, but received the representatives with contemptuous indifference. "I wish," said he, " my abdication may promote the happiness of France; but I do not hope it.

have lost in pulling down the monarchy the time which might have been employed in placing France in a situation to crush the enemy." The two chambers accepted the abdication generally, without an express recognition of his son; and appointed by ballot a provisional government, composed of Carnot, Fouché, Grenier, Caulaincourt, and Quinette. The two last were chosen by the peers. In the chamber of representatives, Carnot had 324- Fouché, 295Lafayette, 142-and marshal Macdonald 137 votes. Thus it appears that Carnot, the representative of pure republicanism, had the majority over jacobinism in Fouché, constitutionalism in Lafayette, and the "stratocracy" in Macdonald. An express recognition of Napoleon II. was evaded through the intrigues of Fouché, and the secret views of the Orleanists.

The name of marshal Ney was omitted in the imperial bulletin of the battle of Waterloo. He had committed great, perhaps fatal, errors; but the

omission of his name was petty and unjust. He appeared in his place as a peer on the morning of the 22d, and presented a grossly distorted picture of the calamities of Waterloo, the state and force of the surviving troops, and the hopelessness of resistance. It was supposed and said that he was governed by the hope of obtaining his pardon from the Bourbons by this act of double or rather triple treason; but he was actuated only by blind resentment, and his natural impetuosity; and his assertions and manner were so extravagant as to indicate mental alienation. He was vehemently attacked by Labedoyere, who, rushing to the tribune, indirectly apostrophised him. "There are," said he," in this assembly, generals who meditate new treasons. Woe to every traitor. Be his house rased, his family proscribed!"* General Drouot had a private explanation with Ney, and stated in the chamber, as the result, that Ney had admitted expressing himself obscurely, and having been misunderstood; in short, that he retracted, and authorised Drouot's explanation.

News of the abdication of Napoleon and the state of confusion at Paris, reached the duke of Wellington at Cambray, and marshal Blucher at Guise, on the 25th; and both advanced on the French capital. A diplomatic commission, consisting of Lafayette, Pontecoulant, Laforest, d'Argenson, Sebastiani, and Benjamin Constant (the last as secretary), was sent by the provisional government, to treat with the allies. They were instructed to urge that

* Ney and Labedoyere were, it will be remembered, the two first victims immolated by the Bourbons.

the allies, and England in particular, expressly disclaimed imposing a government on France; to stipulate the personal safety and inviolability of Napoleon beyond the French territory; and to appeal on this point to the personal generosity of the sovereigns. Lafayette and his brother commissioners having reached the Prussian head quarters at Laon on the 26th, were contemptuously refused admission to his presence by Blucher, who communicated with them only through his aides-de-camp, and informed them that as the first condition Napoleon should be given up. The commissioners had the utter baseness to listen patiently to this condition, and to report to the provisional government the necessity of holding the person of Napoleon in safe keeping. Lafayette was still more dishonoured in this than his colleagues. It was Napoleon who released him from the prison of Olmutz.

A second commission, composed of Messrs. Andreossi, Valence, Boissy d'Anglas, Flaugergues, and Bernardiere, was sent to negotiate an armistice with the allies. The allied generals answered that no suspension of arms would be granted whilst Napoleon Bonaparte was in Paris, and his person free. In the mean time the French army, mustering 75,000 men, rallied under the walls of Paris, and was placed under the command of marshal Davoust, minister of war. Soult, ambitious and unscrupulous, but a man of decided capacity and energy, had been deprived of the command by the provisional government, and succeeded by Grouchy, who took the first opportunity of resigning a trust to which he found himself unequal. The chamber of repre

sentatives addressed to the army a proclamation full of idle and ridiculous bravadoes, and placed Paris in a state of siege. Napoleon had retired to Malmaison at the suggestion of Fouché, and made up his mind to seek an asylum in England. "Like Themistocles," said he, " I will throw myself on the hospitality of my great enemy, the British people." This idea took such possession of his imagination, and he repeated it to others and to himself so incoherently, that Sièyes exclaimed, after leaving his presence, "L'Empereur est fou." Some persons, who were more correctly acquainted with the spirit of English law and government as affecting foreigners, decided him in favour of America; and he made application for two frigates, then lying at Rochfort, to convey him thither. This did not suit the views of the provisional government, or rather of Fouché, who put off his departure under various pretences, and at last appointed over him a guard under the command of general Becker. The object of Fouché was, according to some, that Napoleon should fall into the hands of the allies; according to others, that he should be surprised, and killed by the Prussians, who were already at Compiegne. The contiguity of the enemy inflamed the courage and ambition of Napoleon. The ascendant of his character survived his power, and he persuaded general Becker his gaoler to convey from him to the provisional government a letter, containing an offer to resume the command of the army as general, and take advantage of the rash advance of Blucher: "Tell them," said he, "I will crush the Prussians, and then retire." He explained his plan