I am too well convinced of the Loyalty and good sense of the great body of his Majesty's subjects, to believe them capable of being perverted by the arts which are employed to seduce them; but I am determined to omit no precautions for preserving the public peace and for cousteracting the des gus of the disaffected. And I rey with the utmost confidence on your cordial support and co"peration, in upholding a system of aw and government, from wh we have derived inestimabie avantages, which has enabled to con lude, with unexampled , acontest whereon depended te test interests of mankind, and ahs been hitherto felt by mueves, it is acknowledged bother nations, to be the most perfect that has ever fallen to the at if any people "

His Royal Highness then reth, and their lordships adjourned te o clock

After the Prince Regent had

Led Vascount Sulmouth rose and hated that before any other Puter could be entered upon by 14 sect Lords, he had one of st impor ant communicain be made to them that had eer been laid before Parliament. sly, after the strangers with arawn, he informed them, Pen the Prince Regent was from the House, and at the back of the garden n House, the glass of the had been broken by a 29 two bails from an airchap, eared to have been at his Royal Highness, in teruat, a conference was deto be held with the House twas zons, at which an Address

to his Royal Highness was agreed upon, congratulating him upon his escape.

The further proceedings upon this subject will appear in the Chronicle of the present year.

On January 29th, the Speech of the Prince Regent was taken into consideration by the House of Lords. The Earl of Dartmouth first moved an address of thanks, which was in the usual form. and was seconded by the Earl of Rothes

Earl Grey then rose, and began with declaring his full assent to that part of the speech which gave a tribute of applause to the noble admiral, and his officers and seamen, who were engaged in the expedition against Algiers; at the same time he could not refrain from doubting how far the advantages arising from the enterprize would be adequate to its expense, or to its future security. With respect to the termination of a remote war in India, he conceived it rather too much to ask at the present moment for an opinion concerning the cause and necessity of a war, when, to the best of his knowledge, no information had been laid before their lordships on the subject.

Passing over these topics, the Earl proceeded to take into his consideration the speech from the throne, and the speeches of other noble lords, respecting the probable continuation of peace. The system of policy on which this confidence was founded, appeared to him, instead of tending to secure this end, fraught with the greatest danger to the peace of Europe. This idea he pursued through various consequences; and with regard to the policy which we had adopted relative to the [B 2] French

French nation, he said, that instead of having reduced its power within moderate limits, we had generated in them an implacable spirit of animosity, the end of which would probably be, that having placed and supported the present family on the throne of France, that family must ultimately re-establish its power by going to war with this country.

His lordship then went on to consider, what he regarded as the most important subject of attention in our present circumstances, our internal situation. This he contrasted with all that had taken place in former cases, in order to shew the much greater difficulties we had now to encounter; and this led him to the question of a reduction of the national expenditure. After various views on the subject, he said, this and the other House of Parliament must impose on the ministers the duty of retrenchment. We must insist on a retrenchment very different from that adverted to in the speech from the throne. We must insist upon a rigid unsparing economy, an economy founded not on what sound policy requires, but on what necessity will adinit; not on what government would have, but on what the country can afford. If we cannot extend the means to meet the expense of the establishments, we must contract the establishments to meet the means.

His lordship concluded a long speech, by proposing the following amendment :

"That we have seen with the deepest concern the continued embarrassments of our agriculture, manufactures, and commerce; the alarming deficiency of the revenue, and the unexampled and increas

ing distresses of all classes of his Majesty's faithful subjects.

"That we are willing to indulge the hope that these distresses may be found, in part, to have originated from circumstances of a temporary nature, and that some alleviation of them may be produced by the continuance of peace; but that we should ill discharge our duty to his Royal Highness, and be guilty of countenancing a most dangerous delusion, were we to conceal from him our opinion, that the pressure which now weighs so heavily on the resources of the country, is much more extensive in its operation, more severe in its effects, more deep and general in its causes, and more difficult to be removed, than that which has prevailed at the termination of any former war.

That we are firmly persuaded that the same exemplary patience and fortitude with which all ranks have hitherto borne the difficulties under which they labour, will continue to support them under such burthens as may be found indispensably necessary for the unavoidable exigencies of the public service; but that to maintain this disposition, it is incumbent on parliament, by a severe and vigilant exercise of its powers to prove that sacrifices, so painfully obtained, are strictly limited to the real necessities of the state,

"That while we acknowledge the gracious dispositions announced in his Royal Highness's speech from the throne, we cannot help expressing our regret that his Royal Highness should not have been sooner advised to adopt measures of the most rigid economy and retrenchment, particularly with respect to our military establish

ments.

ments. That to prompt and effectual reductions in this and every other branch of the public expenditure, this House must naturally book, as the first step to relieve the distresses and redress the grievances of which the people so justly complain; and that to enabie themselves to assist his Royal Hness by their advice in the execution of a duty so imperiously called for by the present situation of the country, they will lose no time in instituting a strict inquiry Lato the state of the nation."

The speakers who successively flowed were the Earl of Harrowby, Earl Grosvenor, the Earl of Aberdeen, Lord St. John, Earl Bathurst, the Marquis Wellesley, Viscount Sidmouth and the Earl of Darnley. It will scarcely be Dessary to remark that the miReters and their opponents widely uffered in the conclusions they were led to draw from the preuses The question was then put, and the amendment being Degatived without a division, the Address was agreed to.

In the House of Commons an amendment exactly of the same part was moved by Mr. Ponby, to an address to be preseated to the Prince Regent. It engaged many of the principal rakers on both sides, among W were Mr. Bathurst, Mr. Lunb, Mr. Charles Grant, Mr. Carwen, Mr. Bankes, Mr.Canning, Mr Brougham, and Mr. Tierney. The amendment was rejected by 2-4 to 112, and the original mo

ten was then carried.

PRINCE REGENT'S MESSAGE.

On Feb 3d, the Prince Regent wat to each House of Parlia

ment a message to the following purpose:

His Royal Highness the Prince Regent, acting in the name and on the behalf of his Majesty, has given orders that there be laid before the House papers containing information respecting certain practices, meetings, and combinations in the metropolis, and in different parts of the kingdom, evidently calculated to endanger the public tranquillity, to alienate the affections of his Majesty's subjects from his Majesty's person and government, and to bring into hatred and contempt the whole system of our laws and constitution. His Royal Highness recommends to the House to take these papers into their immediate and serious consideration."

On February 4th, Lord Sidmouth rose in the House of Lords to propose an answer to this communication. If the answer should be, as he did not question that it would, an agreement with his Royal Highness's proposal, it was his own intention to refer the message to a committee of secrecy; and all he had to desire, was that their lordships would abstain from making up their minds till they were in possession of the information which was to be laid before them. One remark he further had to make, which was, that the present communication was in no degree the consequence of the shameful outrage on the Prince, which was viewed, not only by the parliament, but by the great body of the people, with detestation and horror. He concluded with moving an address of thanks to the Prince Regent for his message.

tendency to excite them to outrage and violence and the meeting was in fact followed by some acts of plunder and riot. A petition to his Royal Highness the Prince Regent was agreed to at that meeting, and an adjournment to Palace-Yard on the first day after the meeting of parliament was proposed; but the 2d of December was subsequently fixed upen (on the proposition of one of the persons concerned in the plans already described) for another meeting in Spa-Fields; and that day appears to have been determined upon for the execution of their design.

Various schemes were forined for this purpose. Amongst them was a general and forcible liberation of all persons confined in the different prisons in the metropelis, into some of which, in order to facilitate its execution, an aitress to the prisoners was intraced, assuring them that their Lherty would be restored under a new government; announcing the intended attack upon all the prisons for that day; apprizing the prisoners that arms would be realy for them; exhorting them to be prepared with the national tricolor cockade, and to co-operate by the most violent and sanFanary means to ensure success. It was also proposed to set fire to varu us barracks, and steps were taken to ascertain and prepare the zes of effecting this purpose. An attack upon the Tower and bara and other points of importare was, after previous consultans, finally determined upon. Pars and arms to a certain extert were actually provided, and leaders were named, among whom

the points of attack were distributed. It further appears that the interval between the two meetings was employed with unremitting assiduity by some of the most active agitators in taking regular circuits through different quarters of the town. In these they either resorted to the established clubs or societies, or laboured in conversations, apparently casual, at public houses, to work up the minds of those with whom they conversed into such a state of ferment and irritation as to render them, when collected in sufficient numbers, for whatever ostensible purpose, the fit and ready instruments for the execution of any project, however rash and desperate. In the course of these circuits one of their chief objects appears to have been to take every opportunity of attempting to seduce from their allegiance the soldiers of the different guards and at the barracks. The principal persons concerned in this plan actually proceeded to Spa-fields on the second of December, some of them with concealed arms, and with ammution previously prepared; they had also provided themselves with tricolor flags, and with a standard bearing the following inscription: "The brave soldiers are our brothers; treat them kindly;" and also with tricolor cockades, evidently adopted as the signal of revolution. After much inflammatory language a direct invitation was by one of these persons addressed to the multitude to proceed immediately to actual insurrection. And it appears quite certain, that the acts of plunder which were perpetrated for the purpose