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at Manchester-I mean that which proves that the attack and massacre were premeditated. Yes, Sir, in cold blood, did these magistrates whom you have thanked in the most unqualified terms, deliberate, and resolve upon shedding the blood of Englishmen-In cold blood did they (one of them a clergyman and consequently a christian) command their myrmidons to sheathe their weaponts, in the breasts of women and of harmless children; and least their sabres raise the blush of conscious inhumanity upon the faces of those who raised them for the purposes of destruction, by refusing to mangle and lacerate the limbs of unoffending innocents, they were given to Mr. Richardson, a cutler, to be set with an edge sufficiently sharp, (according to his own expression) to shave the, Reformers. Such, Sir, are the wretches, and such the inhuman, the fiend-like conduct to which you have given the Royal approbation. Pause ere it be too late-you are standing on a precipice-open your eyes to the gulf beneath you, and then madly plunge into perdition, or retrace the mazes of iniquity through which your ministers have led you, to the hazardous pinnacle where you stand, and from whence they would not hesitate to throw you headlong, to screen themselves from your just reproaches when awakened to the villainy and duplicity of their conduct. There have, Sir, been meetings held in every part of the kingdom, at each of which the popular indignation was loudly expressed against the atrocious murders at Manchester, and subscriptions entered into for the purpose of defraying the expences of bringing the murderers to justice, and also to relieve the sufferers who are yet surviving, and the relatives of those, who on the 16th of August, fell to rise no more. Here, Sir, is a glorious opportunity to retrieve the lost affections of the people, without descending from the much talked of Majesty of the Prince. In all ages it has been reckoned more honorable, candidly to avow an error, than to perseveringly continue in it, contrary to internal conviction of justice and to truth; Come forward then, Sir, if you value the esteem of your countrymen; nobly avow that you have been misled by your ministers, and prove to the people that you have their interest at heart, and by liberally subscribing to the funds for the relief of the maimed and lacerated victims to the rage of the Yeomanry, and Magistrates of Manchester.

Although I feel assured that if your present line of conduct be persisted in, you will forfeit, and that most deservedly), your prospect of ascending the throne, which your ancestors filled for so many generations, by the per

mission of the people; yet have I but little hope that my admonitions will be attended to until it will be too late to procure the wished-for reconciliation. It is not when the People are in arms against your authority, that you can expect to make advantageous terms. The truths I utter are doubtless new to you; they sound harsh and ungrateful in your ears; and yet, were you to act for a short period, according to the principles I have laid down, you would thank me, and acknowledge, that while holding the picture to your view, I was a truer friend than any of those who prompted you to sanction deeds which have drawn forth the execration of every good and virtuous character in the nation. Remember, Sir, that I have no interest in pointing out to your notice, the difficulties by which you are surrounded; if you demand my motive, I do not hesitate to declare, that I am rather actuated by a desire to save the country from the horrors of a sanguinary revolution, than by any predilection for thrones or monarchs, or for your royal person, which I never have had the honour of beholding; and to which I have no further enmity than such as is excited by the black complexion of your administration. Ragley Park is not the place for dallying away useful time, while ferocious ruffians, after butchering some hundreds of English people, are perverting law and justice, to endeavour to screen themselves from the punisnment due to their villainy. In such an emergency, it would he in no way derogatory to the character of a Prince to be on the spot himself, for the purpose investigating truth, ere he gave the royal sanction to transactions, accounts respecting which, he received from the parties under accusation, supported by no other evidence than their bare assertion. The eyes of the whole nation are anxiously rivetted upon the occurrences of Manchester, and every patriotic Englishman, awaits with trembling expectation, the termination of the Inquest at Oldham. A verdict of-Wilful Murder-is universally expected; and if that expectation be fulfilled, how must you, Sir, blush for your precipitation in giving thanks to a horde of sanguinary cut-throats, for the dexterity they displayed in the exercise of their calling; could the scarlet dye be transfused from your cheek to that of the unfortunate Lees, he would tell a tale which would "Harrow up your soul," and rivet you with terror and astonishment at the recital of his tragic exit from this world of woe.

If the Coroner's Inquest returns a verdict of-Wilful Murder, the consequence, we imagine, must be the immediate arrest and imprisonment of the most active of the

Yeomanry, and also, perhaps, of some of the magistrates and constables. They will then be placed at the bar of their country, and twelve of their peers will be impannelled to try the question of life and death, to them, and of liberty or slavery to the inhabitants of England. I know, Sir, that in the event of a second verdict being obtained against the miscreants, it is still in your power to extend the Royal mercy and shield them from destruction. But whether you will hazard such a step I am really very dubious, because it is very apparent that a re-action must soon take place on the part of the People, and nothing would be so likely to produce it as such an open perversion of justice. Ponder well on what I have said, and reflect within yourself that I can have no possible motive for addressing your Royal Highness, otherwise than a sincere desire for the welfare of that country, which ought to be equally dear to you as to myself. Farewell, Sir, repentance and radical reformation in your private as well as public character, will be, for the sake of the suffering country, the constant prayer of

Your Royal Highness's most obedient,

J. GRIFFIN.

ADDRESS TO THE PRINCE REGENT.
WHILE the Throne thou hast not mounted,
Stands-but totters to its base;

And the hordes thou hast not counted
Give thee yet a breathing space!
While the PEOPLE yet permit thee
Take thy 'vantage now or never,
Ere the arm of vengeance hit thee,
Wake!-arise!-or fall for ever!!!
This is now no time for dallying,

While the gathering tempests four:
The mighty shouts of armies rallying,
Soon may meet on RAGLEY Bower.
Thread-bound hangs our scant allegiance---
Wilt thou the last tie dissever!
Dost thou fear no banded legions ?
Wake!-arise!-or fall for ever!!!

Trust'st thou Soldiers? vain the trust is-
Hirelings soon or late betray:
MANCHESTER calls loud for Justice-
Wipe her crimson tears away!

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Ere her griefs and wrongs estrange her,
Ere she try the damn'd endeavour
Stanch her blood-drops-meet thy danger
WAKE! ARISE or fall for ever!!!

Manchester Observer.

EMMETT AND ERIN.

The death of the patriotic but unfortunate Robert Emmett is, we presume, still fresh in the recollection of our readers, and to embalm it for ever in their memories is the object for which we present them with his speech prior to his condemnation. In this masterpiece of eloquence and patriotic feeling, he was several times interrupted in the most ungentlemanly and unfeeling manner by the Judge, Lord Norbury, but truly from such a man, or rather from such a Lord, nothing in the shape of humanity or consideration was to be expected. How he became a judge is best known to himself, but we can safely aver that his promotion did not arise from his conspicuous talent as a lawyer. If the eloquence of the following speech of Emmett was not apparent in every line, we need only place one of Lord Norbury's morceaus so as to form a contrast, and the talent of the young Hero would be doubly conspicuous.

MY LORDS,

As to why judgment of death and execution should not be passed on me according to law, I have nothing to say; but as to why my character should not be relieved from the imputations and calumnies thrown out against it, I have much to say. I do not imagine your Lordships will give credit to what I am going to utter: I have no hopes that I can anchor my character in the breast of the court; I only wish your Lordships may suffer it to float down your memories until it finds some more hospitable harbour to shelter it from the storms with which it is at present buffetted. Was I to suffer only death, after being adjudged guilty, I should bow in silence to the fate that awaits me: but the sentence of the law which delivers my body to the executioner consigns my character to obloquy, A man in my situation has not only to encounter the difficulties of fortune, but also the difficulties of prejudice: though a man dies, his memory lives; and that mine may not forfeit all claim to the respect of my countrymen, I seize upon this opportunity, to vindidicate myself from some of the charges alledged against me. When my spirit will be wafted to a more friendly port, when my shade will join the bands of those martyred heroes, who have shed their blood on the scaffold and in the field, in defence of their country, I will look down with compla cency on the destruction of that perfidions government that upholds itself by the cries of the orphan and the tears of the

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widow, [He was interrupted by Lord Norbury, who said that "the mean, wicked enthusiasts, who felt as he did, were not equal to the accomplishment of such wild designs."]

I appeal to the immaculate God! I swear by the throne of heaven, before which I must shortly appear; by the blood of the murdered patriots, who have been sacrificed from time to time, that an ambassador is, at this moment, in France, and accredited there, as the representative of the people of Ireland; there is an Irish agent in every port of the French republic, inspecting the preparations now making for the invasion of this country; think not, my Lord, say this for the petty gratification of giving you a transitory uneasiness. A man who never yet raised his voice to assert a lie, will not hazard his character with posterity by asserting a falsehood on a subject so important to his country. Yes, my Lords, a man who does not wish to have his epitaph written, until his country is righted, will not leave such a weapon in the power of envy to impeach the probity which he means to preserve even in the grave. [He was again interrupted.] Again, I say, what I have spoken was not intended for your Lordship; it is meant as a compensation to my countrymen; if there is a true Irishman present, let my last words cheer him in the hour of affliction, [He was again stopped by Lord Norbury, who told him, he did not sit on that bench to hear high treason.]

I have always understood, it was the duty of a judge, when a prisoner has been convicted, to pronounce the sentence of the law: I have always understood that a judge sometimes thought it his duty to hear with patience, and speak with humanity; and to deliver an exhortation to the prisoner, and pass his opinion of the motives by which he was actuated in the commission of the crime of which he had been found guilty; that a judge thought it his duty to do so I have no doubt.

Where then is the boasted freedom of your laws? Where is the boasted impartiality, clemency, and mildness of your courts of justice, if an unfortunate prisoner, just about to be delivered into the hands of the executioner, is not suffered' to vindicate his principles, and explain the motives by which he was actuated? You, my lord, are a judge, I am the supposed culprit: you are a man, I am a man also; and if I stand at the bar of this court, and dare not vindicate my character and motives from the aspersions of calumny, how dare you calumniate it? Aud as a man to whom fame is dearer than life, I will make the last use of that life in rescuing my name and memory from the foul and odious imputations

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