the Romish Priests is unbounded, will, I believe, be denied by no one→→ and when we have seen that influence exerted for the worst of purposes, can any one, in his sober senses, think that a further extension of power can be granted to the Roman Catholics, without danger to the Constitution? can It be supposed that the guidance of State affairs can be safely intrusted to a body of men, who, in matters of religion, declare a foreigner to be supreme within these realms? But as the Romanists acknowledge the Pope to be supreme only in spiritual concerns, and readily pay obedience to the Sovereign in every thing relating to temporal matters, it is argued, that they are as good subjects, and would prove as faithful servants to the crown as Protestants, who acknowledge the King ONLY to be supreme-both in Church and State.-This argument is thus most admirably answered by the learned Dr. Marsh, in a postscript to his excellent letter to a Catholic Priest, on his wilful misconstruction of several passages of the Doctor's "Inquiry."-" When allegiance is divided, let the distinctions be ever so nicely marked, it is impossible that men should be as good subjects, as if their allegiance were concentred in their Sovereign alone. And however nicely the distinction between temporal and spiritual authority may be marked in THEORY, yet in PRACTICE, the boundaries will soon be overleaped, and the authority which commands the conscience, will command the conduct of the man."―This is unanswerable,—and it is to be hoped that the arguments of this most excellent and learned Divine, will have sufficient weight with those, whom an unfortunate party spirit has induced to support the Roman Catholic cause, to convince them that the claims of the petitioners cannot be granted, without endangering the very existence of the Constitution. This kingdom has witnessed the horrors resulting from the intolerant spirit of the Church of Rome.-It has flourished under the benignant influence of the reformation; and if we wish to avoid the evils inevitably resulting from the one, and to enjoy a continuance of those blessings which are secured by the other, let the Clergy and laity of the Establishment firmly unite to repel every innovation-and, still encouraging that spirit of toleration which reflects such honour upon the Church of England, resolutely resist every encroachment and every attempt to undermine the Constitution,- I have the honour to remain,

SIR,

Your obedient servant,

J. W. B.*

Soham, Cambridgeshire, Feb. 18. 1813.

• We have received a second letter from this Correspondent. We print the initials of his name ;-his letter of the 20th Feb. having that signature only.-EDITOR.

To the Editor of the Protestant Advocate.

SIR,-Some years ago Buonaparte issued an edict, prohibiting freemasonry in all his dominions. Shortly afterwards, all Roman Catholic members of that association in the north of Ireland were denounced by their Priests, and debarred the rites of their Church, unless they imme diately renounced their lodge-room.

This, however, has scarcely, in a single instance, been complied with, at least in this part of Ireland: the Roman Catholic free-masons here have been known to brave the terrors of the Priest, and to forego the comforts of absolution, &c. rather than surrender their masonic connexion.

In this state of suspension, they are allowed to remain, unabsolved by their Priest, alienated from the holy Roman Church, pointed out as proper objects for persecution to all true Papists, their children unbaptised, and even the eucharist denied to them in their dying hour; all this for the 'crime of free-masonry.

Perhaps, Sir, some of your correspondents may be free-masons, and can explain whether the masonic oath contains any loyal obligation that may offend, or whether the affectionate intercourse that subsists in the lodgeroom between Protestants and Roman Catholis, may not be deemed a “misprision of heresy," and a dangerous departure from the Popish pale, out of which there is no salvation, according to the Romish catechisms.

This explanation is particularly desirable, as the system is still persevered in; and if the Priest is asked his reason for this spiritual tyranny, he pleads the order of his superior, the Bishop does the same, and so on, in an ascending scale, until you are directed to that poisonous source from whence flow the water of bitterness-Buonaparte.

Down:

I am, Sir, &c.

A FRIEND TO HARMONY AND PEACE.

SOCIETY FOR THE SUPPORT OF THE CONSTITUTION IN CHURCH AND STATE.

We rejoice much that we are enabled to inform our readers that the society which we had the honour to announce not long since, is now matured. It has changed its name in a certain degree, in order that it may not even appear to clash with, much less to supersede, other most excellent societies, such as the venerable Society for Promoting Christian Knowledge, and the National Society recently established. It is with su preme satisfaction that we print the following Prospectus, and the Resolutions annexed, which will speak for themselves.

Prospectus.

The constitution of this country being a compound of Church and State, of which the parts are so interwoven, that they afford mutual security, and partake of mutual danger, it is the duty of all men, who are sincerely attached to it, to co-operate for its support when either of its component parts is peculiarly attacked. The danger, which threatened the civil part of our Establishment, during the ferment of the French revolution, roused the energies of its zealous supporters; and, while the State was thus secured, the same security extended to the Church. At the present crisis, the attacks on our constitution are directed immediately against the Church; and, if these attacks should succeed, the downfall of the Church would lead to the subversion of the State. But, besides the common motives which must equally induce us to support the constitution when either of its component parts is endangered, there is an additional motive for our exertions, when the Church especially is exposed to danger. This motive is founded on the consideration that the Church, as established in this country, professes Christianity in its purest form; and, therefore, that the downfall of such a Church would be an irrepara ble loss, not to this nation only but to the whole world.

The danger to which the Established Church is now exposed, is well calculated to excite the most lively apprehension in the very breast of every true friend to that Establishment, threatened as she is, with the loss of those securities to which she has been hitherto indebted, under Providence, for her preservation. To this danger she is more immediately exposed by the loose, or, as they are generally termed, liberal notions, so prevalent in the present day, with regard to all subjects connected with ecclesiastical establishments. Toleration, the very existence of which, in this country, is owing to the mild and Christian spirit of the national Church, is converted into a pretext for depriving the Church of her accustomed and necessary barriers. No longer employed to denote freedom of conscience and of wor hip, which is its genuine meaning, this invaluable privilege is made to imply a right to civil office and political power; and its claims are accordingly extended to the removal of every disability, to which, for the protection of the Established Church, the law has subjected persons who do not profess the national religion. A similar claim is advanced on the no less fallacious ground of civil right; which, though susceptible of no other criterion but positive law, is, in actual defiance of such law, said to entitle all persons to an equal admissibility to situations of trust and authority in the State. No sooner is this claim discovered to be unfounded than men are referred to their natural rights, as incompa tible with exclusion from power and office on account of their religious

persuasion. But here the fallacy is no less manifest; for it is of the essence of society to controul and supersede natural rights, so far as they are at variance with the general welfare. On such grounds, however, attempts are often made to procure a repeal of those test laws, which have been hitherto deemed essential to the safety of the Established Church, and which were enacted upon the obviously wise principle, suggested by reason, and founded in the nature of man, that it is incompatible with the safety of a national Church, to entrust the power of the State to persons not in communion with that Church, because such persons may naturally be expected to employ that power, for the subversion of an establishment to which they cannot but be unfriendly, and in promoting the ascendancy of their own religion.

Deeply impressed with a sense of the dangers which thus menace the Church, a society has been formed under the denomination of "The So ciety for the Support of the Constitution in Church and State." The immediate object of this society is the defence of the ecclesiastical part of the Constitution. But, as the two parts of this noble fabric are so mutually dependant on each other, that neither can subsist alone, whatever promotes the security of either, must so far conduce to that of the whole. A society formed for the defence of the Church may, therefore, be properly said to have for its object the support of the whole Constitution.

As union inspires confidence, and produces strength, it is reasonable to hope that the very existence of such an association, will conduce to the safety of the Establishment. What particular exertions may be called for on the part of the new society, must depend upon the exigencies of the moment. A society formed for the security of the Church, will naturally employ its utmost efforts to prevent a repeal of those laws, which have hitherto been found essential to such security. Resistance to the claims of the Roman Catholics will be, therefore, an object of primary attention; for those claims, besides involving the incalculable mischief, inseparable from the admission of Papists to the exercise of all functions, legislative and executive, in a Protestant country, lead, by necessary consequence, to an abandonment of the whole system of TEST LAWS. In a word, no effort to afford security to the Establishment, or protection to its members, in cases where its general interests are concerned, will be foreign to the purposes of this association.

After what has been stated, it can scarcely be necessary to declare, that the object of this association is purely defensive :-it is the preservation of the Church, as an establishment of the country, as an essential part of the Constitution. We feel it, however, due to ourselves to declare, that the motive by which we are actuated, is to promote the true interests of Christianity itself, which, in our opinion, are inseparably

connected, in this country, with the preservation of that pure part of the Christian Church, which is providentially established among us. Nor should it be forgotten, that, by providing for the defence of the Establish ed Church, we consult the safety of the monarchical government, which, as direful experience has proved, cannot long survive the dissolution of the connection between the Church and the State. We consider ourselves also as guarding the right of religious toleration, the security of which mainly depends upon the stability of the Established Church.

.

In pursuit of the object, for which we thus associate, it will be our en deavour to diffuse just principles, to remove prejudice, to refute error, and to expose misrepresentations, on subjects relating to the Establishment. Works of acknowledged merit, written at former periods, and calculated to produce such effects, will be reprinted or encouraged. But, no publication will be considered as coming within the views of this Socie ty, which is not directed to the defence of the Established Church.

Much of the benefit to be hoped from this Society, will be derived from its furnishing in the metropolis, a centre of union to the true friends of the Established Church; with whom, by means of a committee in London, communications may be maintained upon all matters affecting the general security of the Establishment. Having this security for its sole object, the society will not interfere with any other societies formed for particular purposes, however congenial. For the education of the poor in the principles of the Established Church, the National Society al ready provid For the distribution of religious works, containing and explaining the doctrines of the Established Church the Society for promo ting Christian Knowledge, already provides. For these purposes, there fore, no new society can be wanted. But the society now proposed has a very different object in view. Though its motives are religious, though it regards the intrinsic excellence of our religion, as the inducement for wishing it to remain an integral part of the Constitution, yet its plan of operation is designed, not to instruct the people in the doctrines of our religion (a charge which it leaves entirely to that society which has so long, and so faithfully, conducted it), but in the constitutional principles of our Church Establishment. It is, indeed, its political Establishment, which, at the present crisis, requires peculiar support. The fences and the safeguards of that Constitution are the things which now require to be upholden; we now want to be secured from the danger of losing the pro tection of the law. And since the state is so connected with the Church, that the defence of the one is the defence of the other, the society thus de fending the establishment will be aptly entitled, the "Society for the Support of the Constitution in Church and State."