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thought that when the question of Ireland was before their lordships on a former occasion, they might have so decided upon it, as not to leave it to a period when it might be said to be forced from them from other considerations than an admission of its justice. It was not, he trusted, yet too late, and as he expected that we should be successful in rescuing our ally from all further danger, he confidently hoped that we should seize the serene moment, and do that justice to Ireland which her case so urgently required.

The Duke of Wellington said, he did not rise to offer any explanation why the British government had not at an earlier period taken the course now proposed; for that he felt to be altogether unnecessary. On the contrary, it was earnestly desired to put off to the latest moment at which negotiation could be available, that which their lordships had heard this day proposed. On this part of the question it was not necessary for him to dwell, but he hoped it would be permitted to him, who had had for several years the direction of the resources of this country against the common enemy in the Peninsula, to state his opinion, that the perfidious acts of aggression on Portugal ought rather to be attributed to the servants of the Spanish government, than to that government itself. They ought, in his opinion, to be looked upon as the acts of the captainsgeneral of provinces, and even of the ministers of the king of Spain, than as ordered or advised by his Catholic majesty. But to whomsoever they might be attributed, he fully concurred in the measures intended to repress them. It was impossible for him to see two armies on both sides of the Douro and the Guadiana making preparations for invasion, and actually violating the territory of Portugal, and not believe that those armaments were brought together with the connivance and concurrence of the authorities of the countries in which they were formed. Their aggressions, he thought, made out a casus fœderis, and that would afford a sufficient justification of our interference; but though the casus fœderis existed, he did hope that the steps which we had taken would have the desired effect. He trusted that the exertions of his majesty, aided by those of his most Christian majesty, would have the effect of bringing the king of Spain to that sense of what was due to himself and his own dignity,

which would prevent him from allowing any aggression on the territories of his neighbour, and our near ally.

The Marquis of Lansdown said, he rose for the purpose of expressing his opinion, that it was most desirable for the interests of this country, and, he would add, for the interests of the whole world, that the measures proposed to be adopted by his majesty should have the cordial and unanimous approbation of their lordships. He was the more anxious to deliver his opinion, because he wished it to be understood, that it was not from indifference, that he had not addressed their lordships at an earlier period. When it had become notorious by the promulgation of the despatch which had been alluded to by the noble earl, that the territory of our ancient ally had been invaded, under circumstances which obviously showed that it had been done with the participation of Spain, he could assure their lordships, that it had not been until after the most anxious deliberation, that he had resolved to abstain from asking for such an explanation from his majesty's ministers as this most unwarrantable aggression seemed to call for. The resolution to which he had come was founded on a belief, which the proceedings of this day justified, that there would not be wanting on the part of the government, either a disposition to watch, or an inclination to act. He agreed with the noble duke, that it was a fair cause of commendation to his majesty's ministers that they had endeavoured to avert the calamities of war, as long as they could do so with any hope of success. He had no doubt that they would persevere with earnestness in the same spirit to check the progress of the invasion which had actually taken place,, and which, under the circumstances described by the noble duke, left no doubt that Spain was involved in the design, that had prompted that invasion. would not inquire whether it had been actually committed by the authority of the monarch, who appeared to profess one thing while he did another, or by means of that faction to which the noble duke had alluded: for this was clear, that it ought to be stopped at once, with as little hesitation by his majesty's ministers, as, he trusted, this House would display. in expressing their approbation of the measures the government should adopt. Any apparent hesitation on our part,

He

expressing his approbation of the measures which had been adopted, and of the address which had been moved. He trusted there was no reason to doubt that every effort had been made to warn Spain of the danger of the course she was pursuing. He joined in the hope expressed by the noble duke; but he confessed it was rather a hope than a belief, that the ag

cussion had emanated, not from the monarch and the government of Spain, but from a faction which was unhappily too powerful in that country. But, whether it emanated from that monarch, or from persons who unfortunately were able to govern the resources of the country, it mattered not; the principle was odious, and must be resisted; and, therefore, unless the progress of the outrage should be immediately arrested, and no danger existed of further encroachment, he had no difficulty in expressing a hope that the mea

dial support of both Houses of parliament. For his own part, he was prepared to vote for the Address, and to pledge his support hereafter to any measures which might be necessary to give effect to the policy on which this country had hitherto acted, and was bound still to act.

would have been the worst policy that could have been adopted-the worst policy, not only towards the government of that country which appeared to have been the aggressor, but, he would add, the worst policy towards that other country, which, he was glad to learn, was combined with us in the design of preventing the further progress of the outrage which had been committed on our ally. Hegression which was the cause of this diswas sure, however, that the interference of the latter government for that purpose would not be less effectually made, nor less sincerely urged, when they should be convinced that it was the determination of this country to support by arms the just and sound principles of policy on which our treaties had been made. It might also be expedient to suggest to that country, if the necessity should arise, that it was consistent with common sense and common justice to adopt measures which should, for the future, compel Spain, at her peril, to respect the rights, and to re-sures of the government would have the corfrain from attacking the independence of her neighbour. He had no doubt that the casus fœderis had arisen, and that upon the faith of treaties his majesty's government were compelled to adopt the measures which they had entered upon; but he would go further, and say, that upon principles of policy alone, this country ought to interfere for the defence of Portugal-not merely for the purpose of checking the attack which was now made on it, but also for the purpose of arresting at this point that attempt at interfering with the independence of nations, which, if permitted by a monarch so feeble as that by whom it was now made, could not fail to lead to courses ruinous to the interests and institutions of every free country. For these reasons, he repeated, it had become the duty of this country to Mr. Speaker; in proposing to the resist the present outrage of Spain on House of Commons to acknowledge, by Portugal-not less for the protection of an humble and dutiful Address, his her own interests, than for that of the Majesty's most gracious Message, and to rights and interests of all nations. He reply to it in terms which will be, in was prepared, then, to say, that the eir-effect, an echo of the sentiments, and a cumstances required the government of fulfilment of the anticipations of that this country to use, as they had resolved to do, the military resources of the country, even if they had not been bound to do so by the faith of treaties entered into long ago, and repeatedly and solemnly renewed. He was convinced that it was incumbent on the government to take and pursue a decisive course; and feeling this, it was impossible for him to refrain from J. Ridgway, Piccadilly.

The Address was agreed to, nem. diss.

HOUSE OF COMMONS.

Tuesday, December 12.

ADDRESS ON THE KING'S MESSAGE RESPECTING PORTUGAL.] Mr. Secretary Canning moved the order of the day, for taking into consideration His Majesty's Message. The Message having been read, Mr. Secretary Canning rose and addressed the House as follows:*

Message, I feel that, however confident I may be in the justice, and however clear as to the policy of the measures therein announced, it becomes me as a British minister, recommending to parliament any step which may approximate this country

* From the original edition, printed for

even to the hazard of a war, while I explain the grounds of that proposal, to accompany my explanation with expressions of regret.

I can assure the House, that there is not within its walls any set of men more deeply convinced than his majesty's ministers, nor any individual more intimately persuaded than he who has now the honour of addressing you-of the vital importance of the continuance of peace, to this country and to the world. So strongly am I impressed with this opinion -and for reasons of which I will put the House more fully in possession before I sit down-that, I declare, there is no question of doubtful or controverted policy; no opportunity of present national advantage; no precaution against remote difficulty; which I would not gladly compromise, pass over, or adjourn, rather than call on parliament to sanction, at this moment, any measure which had a tendency to involve the country in war. But, at the same time, Sir, I feel that which has been felt, in the best times of Engglish history, by the best statesmen of this country, and by the parliaments by whom those statesmen were supported-I feel that there are two causes, and but two causes, which cannot be either compromised, passed over, or adjourned. These causes are, adherence to the national faith, and regard for the national honour.

Sir, if I did not consider both these causes as involved in the proposition which I have this day to make to you, I should not address the House, as I now do, in the full and entire confidence that the gracious communication of his majesty will be met by the House with the concurrence of which his majesty has declared his expectation.

In order to bring the matter, which I have to submit to you, under the cognizance of the House, in the shortest and clearest manner, I beg leave to state it, in the first instance, divested of any collateral considerations. It is a case of law and of fact-of national law on the one hand, and of notorious fact on the other; such as it must be, in my opinion, as impossible for parliament as it was for the government, to regard in any but one light; or, to come to any but one conclusion upon it.

"

Among the alliances by which, at different periods of our history, this country

has been connected with the other nations of Europe, none is so ancient in origin, and so precise in obligation-none has continued so long and been observed so faithfully-of none is the memory so intimately interwoven with the most brilliant records of our triumphs, as that by which Great Britain is connected with Portugal. It dates back to distant centuries; it has survived an endless variety of fortunes. Anterior in existence to the accession of the House of Braganza to the throne of Portugal-it derived, however, fresh vigour from that event; and never, from that epoch to the present hour, has the independent monarchy of Portugal ceased to be nurtured by the friendship of Great Britain. This alliance has never been seriously interrupted; but it has been renewed by repeated sanctions. It has been maintained under difficulties by which the fidelity of other alliances was shaken, and has been vindicated in fields of blood and of glory.

That the alliance with Portugal has been always unqualifiedly advantageous to this country-that it has not been sometimes inconvenient and sometimes burthensome-I am not bound nor prepared to maintain. But no British statesman, so far as I know, has ever suggested the expediency of shaking it off: and it is assuredly not at a moment of need, that honour, and what I may be allowed to call national sympathy, would permit us to weigh, with an over-scrupulous exactness, the amount of difficulties and dangers attendant upon its faithful and steadfast observance. What feelings of national honour would forbid, is forbidden alike by the plain dictates of national faith.

It is not at distant periods of history, and in by-gone ages only, that the traces of the union between Great Britain and Portugal are to be found. In the last compact of modern Europe, the compact which forms the basis of its present international law-I mean the treaty of Vienna of 1815-this country, with its eyes open to the possible inconveniences of the connection, but with a memory awake to its past benefits-solemnly renewed the previously existing obligations of alliance and amity with Portugal. I will take leave to read to the House the third article of the treaty concluded at Vienna in 1815, between Great Britain on the one hand, and Portugal on the other. It is couched in the following terms:-"The Treaty of

Alliance concluded at Rio de Janeiro, on | happy conclusion of the war, the option the 19th of February, 1810, being founded was afforded to the king of Portugal of on circumstances of a temporary nature, returning to his European dominions. It which have happily ceased to exist, the was then felt, that, as the necessity of his said Treaty is hereby declared to be void most faithful majesty's absence from Porin all its parts, and of no effect; without tugal had ceased, the ground of the obliprejudice, however, to the ancient Treaties gation originally contracted in the secret of alliance, friendship, and guarantee, convention of 1807, and afterwards transwhich have so long and so happily subsist-ferred to the patent treaty of 1810, was ed between the two Crowns, and which are hereby renewed by the High Contracting Parties, and acknowledged to be of full force and effect."

removed. The treaty of 1810 was therefore annulled at the congress of Vienna; and in lieu of the stipulation not to acknowledge any other sovereign of Portugal than a member of the House of Braganza, was substituted that which I have

Annulling the treaty of 1810, the treaty of Vienna renews and confirms (as the House will have seen) all former treaties between Great Britain and Portugal; describing them as "ancient treaties of al

having " long and happily subsisted between the two Crowns;" and as being allowed, by the two high contracting parties, to remain " in full force and effect.'

In order to appreciate the force of this stipulation-recent in point of time, recent also in the sanction of parliament-just read to the House. the House will perhaps allow me to explain shortly the circumstances in reference to which it was contracted. In the year 1807, when, upon the declaration of Buonaparte that the House of Braganza had ceased to reign-the king of Portu-liance, friendship, and guarantee;" as gal, by the advice of Great Britain, was induced to set sail for the Brazils; almost at the very moment of his most faithful majesty's embarkation, a secret convention was signed between his majesty and What then is the force-what is the efthe king of Portugal, stipulating that, in fect of those ancient treaties?—I am prethe event of his most faithful majesty's pared to show to the House what it is.' establishing the seat of his government in But before I do so, I must say, that if all Brazil, Great Britain would never acknow- the treaties to which this article of the ledge any other dynasty than that of the treaty of Vienna refers, had perished by House of Braganza on the throne of Por- some convulsion of nature, or had, by tugal. That convention, I say, was con- some extraordinary accident, been contemporaneous with the migration to the signed to total oblivion, still it would be Brazils; a step of great importance at impossible not to admit, as an incontestthe time, as removing from the grasp of able inference from this article of the Buonaparte the sovereign family of Bra- treaty of Vienna alone, that in a moral ganza. Afterwards, in the year 1810, point of view, there is incumbent on Great when the seat of the king of Portugal's Britain, a decided obligation to act as the government was established at Rio de effectual defender of Portugal. If I could Janeiro, and when it seemed probable, in not shew the letter of a single antecedent the then apparently hopeless condition of stipulation, I should still contend that a the affairs of Europe, that it was likely solemn admission, only ten years old, of long to continue there, the secret conven- the existence at that time of "Treaties of tion of 1807, of which the main object Alliance, Friendship, and Guarantee," was accomplished by the fact of the emi-held Great Britain to the discharge of the gration to Brazil, was abrogated; and a obligations which that very description new and public treaty was concluded, into which was transferred the stipulation of the convention of 1807, binding Great Britain, so long as his faithful majesty should be compelled to reside in Brazil, not to acknowledge any other sovereign of Portugal than a member of the House of Braganza. That stipulation which had hitherto been secret, thus became patent, and part of the known law of nations.

In the year 1814, in consequence of the.
VOL. XVI.

implies. But fortunately there is no such difficulty in specifying the nature of those obligations. All the preceding treaties exist; all of them are of easy reference; all of them are known to this country, to Spain, to every nation of the civilized world. They are so numerous, and their general result is so uniform, that it may be sufficient to select only two of them to show the nature of all.

The first to which I shall advert is the

N

thought that when the question of Ireland | was before their lordships on a former occasion, they might have so decided upon it, as not to leave it to a period when it might be said to be forced from them from other considerations than an admission of its justice. It was not, he trusted, yet too late, and as he expected that we should be successful in rescuing our ally from all further danger, he confidently hoped that we should seize the serene moment, and do that justice to Ireland which her case so urgently required.

The Duke of Wellington said, he did not rise to offer any explanation why the British government had not at an earlier period taken the course now proposed; for that he felt to be altogether unnecessary. On the contrary, it was earnestly desired to put off to the latest moment at which negotiation could be available, that which their lordships had heard this day proposed. On this part of the question it was not necessary for him to dwell, but he hoped it would be permitted to him, who had had for several years the direction of the resources of this country against the common enemy in the Peninsula, to state his opinion, that the perfidious acts of aggression on Portugal ought rather to be attributed to the servants of the Spanish government, than to that government itself. They ought, in his opinion, to be looked upon as the acts of the captainsgeneral of provinces, and even of the ministers of the king of Spain, than as ordered or advised by his Catholic majesty. But to whomsoever they might be attributed, he fully concurred in the measures intended to repress them. It was impossible for him to see two armies on both sides of the Douro and the Guadianamaking preparations for invasion, and actually violating the territory of Portugal, and not believe that those armaments were brought together with the connivance and concurrence of the authorities of the countries in which they were formed. Their aggressions, he thought, made out a casus fœderis, and that would afford a sufficient justification of our interference; but though the casus fœderis existed, he did hope that the steps which we had taken would have the desired effect. He trusted that the exertions of his majesty, aided by those of his most Christian majesty, would have the effect of bringing the king of Spain to that sense of what was due to himself and his own dignity,

which would prevent him from allowing any aggression on the territories of his neighbour, and our near ally.

The Marquis of Lansdown said, he rose for the purpose of expressing his opinion, that it was most desirable for the interests of this country, and, he would add, for the interests of the whole world, that the measures proposed to be adopted by his majesty should have the cordial and unanimous approbation of their lordships. He was the more anxious to deliver his opinion, because he wished it to be understood, that it was not from indifference, that he had not addressed their lordships at an earlier period. When it had become notorious by the promulgation of the despatch which had been alluded to by the noble earl, that the territory of our ancient ally had been invaded, under circumstances which obviously showed that it had been done with the participation of Spain, he could assure their lordships, that it had not been until after the most anxious deliberation, that he had resolved to abstain from asking for such an explanation from his majesty's ministers as this most unwarrantable aggression seemed to call for. The resolution to which he had come was founded on a belief, which the proceedings of this day justified, that there would not be wanting on the part of the government, either a disposition to watch, or an inclination to act. He agreed with the noble duke, that it was a fair cause of commendation to his majesty's ministers that they had endeavoured to avert the calamities of war, as long as they could do so with any hope of success. He had no doubt that they would persevere with earnestness in the same spirit to check the progress of the invasion which had actually taken place,, and which, under the circumstances described by the noble duke, left no doubt that Spain was involved in the design, that had prompted that invasion. would not inquire whether it had been actually committed by the authority of the monarch, who appeared to profess one thing while he did another, or by means of that faction to which the noble duke had alluded: for this was clear, that it ought to be stopped at once, with as little hesitation by his majesty's ministers, as, he trusted, this House would display. in expressing their approbation of the measures the government should adopt. Any apparent hesitation on our part,

He

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