without diftinction of whole blood and half blood, or of confanguini ty by the father's or mother's fide.

The defcent of real estates, of houfes, that is, and land, having been fettled in more remote and ruder times, is lefs reasonable. There never can be much to complain of in a rule, which every perfon may avoid by fo eafy a provifion, as that of making his will; otherwife our law in this refpect, is chargeable with fome flagrant abfurdities; fuch as that an estate fall in no wife go to the brother or fifter of the half blood, though it came to the deceafed from the common parent; that it fhall go to the remoteft relation the inteftate has in the world, rather than to his own father or mother, or even be forfeited for want of an heir, though both parents furvive; that the most diftant paternal relation fhall be preferred to an uncle or own coufin by the mother's fide, notwithstanding the estate was purchafed and acquired by the inteftate himself.

Land not being fo divifible as money, may be a reason for making a difference in the courfe of inheritance, but there ought to be no difference but what is founded upon that reafon. The Roman law made none;'

In his manner our author is diffufe; and he promises more than he is able to perform. The difappointment thus excited is not repaired or compenfated by any bold or delicate ftrokes of eloquence or art. To the cares of compofition, Mr. Paley has attended very little. His language is generally vulgar; is often ungrammatical; and is, at all times, inelegant.

ART. VI. A Plan for finally fettling the Government of Ireland upon conflitutional Principles; and the chief Caufe of the unprof perous State of that Country explained. is. 6d. Stockdale. London. 1785.

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'N this fenfible pamphlet, the author, after fome prefatory matter, wherein the conduct of Mr. Fox, in first of all profeffing a decided intention" to establish fuch a principle "of relation and conftitution as fhould prevent future dif

contents from arifing" between the two nations, and afterwards abandoning every idea of arrangement and effectual union meets with proper difapprobation, next proceeds to lay his own plan before the public. He very juftly observes that fince the abolition of the undefined fupremacy of the English parliament over Ireland in May 1782, there remains no political compact between the kingdoms, and that such a compact should be made as foon as poffible. That "the "three great objects of this conftitutional connection, are an equality of interefts, an equality of privileges, and a "unity of power." And, that "the two firft of thefe objects are already in a great part provided for; but the unity of power, or unity of defence with Great Britain, continues yet unfettled." It is this last that the plan of our author

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means to establish" on the most conftitutional principles, "without any additional expence to Ireland in the aggregate;

nay, by making an annual faving of 100,000l. which is now drawn out of the country." This furely should be a conciliating measure, and highly agreeable to every Irish patriot. As an Irish land-tax is the measure propofed, it is poffible that felf-interefted views equally narrow and unfounded, may lead the greater number to condemn without a hearing. Of this the author himself has his fears, and therefore has addreffed the public in the following words,

In the public defence of an Empire or State' all the members of that State ought to contribute; and when that defence is regulated and defined by a fundamental law, fo that it can never be disproportionate to the ability of each member, it never can be a partial grievance. On that principle, the most conftitutional fupply that Ireland can yield to the common defence of the Empire, and likewife the most advantageous to herself, is a land tax to be rated always according to the rate of the land-tax of England, and never to be expended out of the kingdom.

I am fenfible that in propofing a land-tax for Ireland as the moft conftitutional fupply that the can yield to the common defence of the Empire, and the most advantageous to herself, I advance a doctrine in the face of the moft deep-rooted prejudices. Ireland, I know, has long regarded her exemption from a land-tax as a peculiar privilege; but I hope to demonftrate to the plainest understanding, that fuch an exemption in any State whatever, is contrary to the fundamental principles of a focial union, and has been particularly prejudicial to the profperity of Ireland. My doctrine and principles though not found in any political writer, either antient or modern, whom I have perufed, will, I doubt not, be found in the breast of every man to whom they have been once explained; therefore I must beg of thofe who are inclined haftily to condemn them, to forbear their cenfures till they have perufed the arguments I may be able to produce in their favour. To the hafty cenfurers, I must say as Themiftocles faid to the old General, who wanted by menaces to deter him from giving thofe falutary counfels which faved the Athenian State, Strike but hear me. I wish to be the inftrument of good to two

nations'.

We, for our parts, think he has clearly made out his propofition; and it would give us pleasure, did our limits permit, to lay before our readers in detail that chain of ingenious and found political reafoning which he employs; but for this we must refer to the work itfelf. It is but justice to the author to say that the variety of matter occafionally introduced evinces a mind intimately acquainted with polity and finance. What he has advanced upon the gradual alteration of the conftitution from the feudal times to the present day, and on the impolicy of cuftoms, is not at all known to the herd of politicians. The following paffage is curious; and if the calculations are founded on good information, plainly

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fhews how unequal a fhare Ireland bears of the public burdens, while it proves the injuftice of the outcry from time to time raifed against Scotland, because of the inequality of her fhare.

Scotland' from the first principle of taxation not having been attended to at the Union, is rated difproportionately as to the land tax, which is to that of England as 1 to 41; but in other taxes fhe bears a full fhare; therefore the following statement will give us nearly the general proportion. The amount of the land-tax of England and Scotland together 42. But the land-tax makes but about one seventh of the taxes raifed in Great Britain; therefore the whole, when compared to the land-tax, will be as 294 to 42. Substract 41 from 294, Scotland's proportion will be 253. Subftract I from 294, England's proportion will be 293. The public burdens of the two kingdoms then ftand nearly, in point of rate, as 253 to 293, or as 6 to 7. I fay in point of rate not in point of fums total. Scotland is eafed in the malt duty and fome other articles; but in the window-lights, the poft horfe tax, and feveral excife duties fhe pays more than her just proportion; and thefe exceffes may be found to counterbalance the other abatements. The low rate of Ireland, in regard to public burdens, may be concluded from the following ftate ment. In Great Britain eight millions of people pay about fourteen millions to government, which is l. 158. per head. In Ireland three millions of people pay about one million to Government, which is 6 s. 8 d. per head. Her burdens then are to thofe of Great Britain not quite fo much as one to five.

We are happy when we meet with a work where the rage of party, and the roar of faction give place to cool and difpaffionate reafoning, and where the general good appears, the only object in view. It is then only that it can merit unmixed approbation, and only then that we can recommend it, as we do the prefent publication, to the ferious perufal of every true patriot.

ART. VII. An Addrefs to Brian Edwards, Efq. Containing Remarks on his Pamphlet, entitled, "Thoughts on the late Proceed ings of Government, refpecting the Trade of the Weft India Iflands with the United States of America." Alfo Obfervations on fome Parts of a Pamphlet, lately published by the West India Planters and Merchants, entituled, Confiderations on the prefent State of the Intercourfe between his Majefty's Sugar Colonies and the Dominions of the United States of America. By John` Stevenfon. 8vo. 1s. 6d. Nicoll.

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HIS addrefs fets out with intimating, that the author is convinced, that all future connection between this country and America ought cautiously to be avoided on our part. He is a great friend to Lord Sheffield's plan, and contradicts Mr. Edwards's pofitions, in every inftance. He affirms, that this country, will in fpite of American refenthent and independency, poffefs at leaft as much of the commerce of that country as will do us good. Speaking of the American war, he fays, that it was conceived in juftice,

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and that the hoftile refiftance of America "was conceived in wickedness, and continued through infanity." (Mr. Edwards had applied this language to Great Britain). The author takes notice of a fpeech of Sir Robert Herries in the houfe of commons, who maintained, that if the Americans were suffered to trade with the Weft India Iflands freely, they would get the greateft part of the carrying trade into their hands. If the bill paffed, it would prove advantageous to him and fome other individuals, but as a man of honour, a good citizen, and a member of the houfe, he found himfelf bound to declare, it would do infinite mifchief to the country. Such language, fays the author, is expreffive of a clear head and a good heart; and it does great honour to Sir Robert as a man, as a Briton, and as a fenator. He differs widely from Mr. Edwards, in fuppofing that the American trade bill, if paffed into a law, would have tended, in a very eminent degree, to the fapport and encouragement of both our trade and navigation. As a fpecimen of Mr. Edwards's fitions and of Mr. Stevenfon's reafoning, we fhall infert the following. By permitting a direct exportation of fugar to America, fays the former, Great Britain will foon find a proportionate increase of the fame ftaple at her own emporium, while the confumption of her own manufactures will enlarge with the augmentation of her navigation and revenue. Pray, Sir, fays the latter, allow me to afk, are thefe afcertained facts? (Mr. Edwards had stated in his tract, that the firft duty of a writer is the ascertaining of facts)' or ' ought the whole to be deemed a strain of mere fpeculative reafoning, calculated to perplex, or mislead the judgment of your readers? A direct exportation of fugar to America will foon produce a proportionate increase of the fame staple at the British market; while the cenfumption of our manufactures will enlarge with the augmentation of our navigation and revenues! What an important fentence! He brings to my mind an anecdote of a man, who offered to produce à dozen of reasons why his friend could not appear in court. "In the first place, my Lord, (faid he to the Judge) he is dead." That is fufficient (replied his Lordfhip) you may fpare yourself the trouble of producing the other eleven, &c. He adds afterwards." If declamation be deemed found atgument, and confident affertions pafs for afcertained facts, you doubtless have whereof to boast: but those who reft their affent to every propofition, folely on that evidence which it carries along with it, may probably take the liberty to dif pute your claim.

He thinks Mr. Hartley a very improper perfon for nego ciating a treaty of commerce with the American agents, and

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maintains that the entering into any treaty, with independent America, must be prejudicial to this country.

He thinks the late peace fhameful and injurious to Great Britain, and certainly unexampled in the annals of mankind.

ART. VIII. An Hiftorical and Political View of the Conftitution and Revolutions of Geneva, in the eighteenth Century, written originally in French. By Francis D'Ivernois, Efq, L. L. D. (late Citizen of Geneva) And tranflated by John Farrell, A. M. 8vo. 5s. Boards. Cadell.

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HE hiftory of Geneva illuftrates in a very forcible man→ ner the truth of the political maxim, that all fmall republics are destined to perifh either through internal diffentions or by foreign conquefts. The fenate, in whofe hands executive government was placed, made gradual encroachments on the liberties of the people. The people, high fpirited, and impatient almost of the neceffary and just reftraints of government could not brook multiplied, and increafing acts of ufurpation. Altercations and difputes were followed by violence. An appeal was made to neighbouring states and an armed mediation put a period to the existence of the Genevese republick.

The revolutions of this fmall ftate have nothing in them of that fafcinating grandeur which attracts the attention even of the vulgar to the fortunes and fate of mighty empires, But as the principles which actuate a ftupendous machine may be displayed, and that even with advantage, by a small model; fo the nature of government, the operation of the paffions, the conflict of the spirit of liberty with overbearing power are more happily displayed by the hiftory of fmall republicks, where the powers that influence its fate are difcerned in a state of feparation from those vaft engines which crush with an irresistible weight, and bury all diftinctions and forms of government in one ruin.

The performance under review is written with that interest and animation which a person takes in his own caufe. In great empires the amor patria is enfeebled by the very magnitude of its object; and diffipated, as it were, and loft among the millions of mankind to whom that object is common. But the village, the town, the province of ones nativity, and the centre of his earliest and warmest paffions, is embraced with the warmest and pureft ardour.

Mr. D'Ivernois exhibits at once his own feelings, his manner of writing, and the object of his publication in the addrefs to his moft Chriftian Majefty Lewis XVI. King of France and Navarre, from which the following is an extract.

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