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*a practical government, on princi- the root, and prevent the shoots ples which had no tendency to dif- from springing up? Does the right organize society, or shake the esta- honourable gentleman think that he blishment of the nation. As to the can extinguish, in the minds of the last and most momentous point, that people, that distrust of the present of time, Mr. Erskine's opinion was, system of government which he that the present moment for reforma- himself has taught them to entertion was fingularly and critically tain? Or does he think hy coercion seasonable; and that those who to make them tamely submit to seized on the times, as a foundation those abuses which he himself was for objection, would lay the same the foremost to expose? Does he hold on prosperity, if it were pro- think to guard the constitution from posed, on the return of peace. violence, by persecuting those who This opinion, by a variety of con- would peaceably reform it? Does he fiderations, it must be owned, he think to silence the voice of comrendered extremely probable.—But plaint, by a sullen refusal to remedy it was said, in objection to the the grievance? This road may be times, that there was, at the pre- pursued for a season; but the end sent moment, a dangerous dif- thereof is death. Instead of inflamaffection prevalent in the minds of ing by persecution, let me advise men, to the government of this you to conciliate by-feasonable cona country; and that pestilent and de- cession. The system of terror can structive thories had poifoned public neither remove nor filence a deepopinion, against all monarchical con- rooted and well-founded discontent. stitutions, Admitting, said Mr. Let me conclude with repeating Erskine, for the fake of argument, again, that the condition of this that the imputation of wide-fpred country renders a reform most critidisaffection is juft, how is the evil to cally leasonable. The nation stands be remedied? If despair of ob- in the most perilous predicament; taining any moderate reform has government is forced to call upon driven any confiderable numbers to the people for greater exertions than republicanism, to whom is the fault at formet times. Burdens which to be imputed? Will any man de- appeared impracticable, even in ny, that the foundation of this spirit speculation, are now to be carried (whatever may be its extent) was into practical effect. This must be laid in the declarations of the right done, either by affection, or by cohonourable gentleman himself, who ercion; and this is the moment for affirmed, that it was impossible an the choice. Give the people the upright or useful administration blessings of the constitution, and could exist, whilst the house was they will join with ardour in its deconstituted as it is, and who has un- fence: raise within these walls a -answerably illustrated the truth of standard, which was never before his position, by the evidence of his railed, around which the friends of own? Did the right honour. the constitution may rally, and to able gentleman imagine, that he which the people will be attracted could prescribe bounds beyond by the feelings of confidence and of which this spirit should not pass? attachment; it will give general Did he imagine that he could plant satisfaction; it will unite all who

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are divided, and create a general common cause with the irrecos fpirit to bear up against the calami- cileable enemies of the constituties by which we are surrounded. tion.”-As to the specific plan of

Mr. Pitt observed, that the ques- reform, proposed by Mr. Grey, he tion was not, whether fome altera- thought it was at once highly extion might be attended with advan- ceptionable in theory, and unsuptage, but whether the degree of ported by experience. benefit might be worth the chance Mr. Sheridan denied that the of the mischief it probably, or pof- horrors of France were produced fibly, might induce. It would not by the rights of man. Bloody calabe prudent to give an opening to mities there had been, but they did principles that aimed at nothing not originate in those principles. less than the annihilation of the There was not one individual who constitution. But what he appear had been concerned in writing or ed to have most at heart, as was publishing them that was concerned very natural, and what it was the in any of the massacres. Excess principal tendency of his speech was the natural consequence of all to refute, was, the alleged incon- revolutions'; when men shook off fiftency of those who had formerly their favery, under the necessity supported parliamentary reform, in of recovering their liberty by force, opposing it now.--There was no . they were naturally intemperate. inconfiftency, he said, in foregoing If the question were put to him, a present advantage for a future who were the real authors and benefit, or for the sake of avoiding abettors of the French mafiacres, impending evils. Could we believe he would not hesitate to place that men, who remained unmoved certain despots in the front of his by the dismal example which their accusation. The minister had deprinciples had produced, whole fired the public to look upon reforpretensions rose or fell with the "mation as a latent mode of overturnsuccess or the decline of jacobinism, ing the conftitution. He knew not in every part of Europe, were ever why universal suffrage had been actuated by a fimilarity of motives brought into such contempt. He and of objects with those who pro- remembered Mr. Pitt's having secuted the cause of reform as a figned his name, with the duke of practical advantage, and maintained Richmond, at some meetings, in fait on constitutional views. « From your of reform and annual parliathe period, said Mr. Pitt, when the ments. Mr. Sheridan mentioned new and alarming æra of the French feveral circumstances of confort and revolution broke in upon the world, hope, in his own particular fituaI found that the grounds on which tion, which rendered it incredible the question of reform rested were that he should entertain any design fundamentally altered. I do not or wish to throw things into anarbelieve that the temper of moderate chy and confusion. For this, in reformers will lead them to make our opinion, Mr, Sheridan is en

* We do not consider it to be necesary, as if we were members of parliament, speaking in parliament, to adhere to all the circumlocutions of " fight liqnourable gentlemen opposite to each other, &c. &c.”

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are divided, and create a general common cause with the irrecos spirit to bear up against the calami- cileable enemies of the constitaties by which we are surrounded. tion." -As to the specific plan of

Mr. Pitt observed, that the ques- reform, proposed by Mr. Grey, he tion was not, whether fome altera- thought it was at once highly extion might be attended with advan- ceptionable in theory, and unfuptage, but whether the degree of ported by experience. benefit might be worth the chance Mr. Sheridan denied that the of the mischief it probably, or pof- horrors of France were produced fibly, might induce. It would not by the rights of man. Bloody calabe prudent to give an opening to mities there had been, but they did principles that aimed at nothing not originate in those principles, less than the annihilation of the There was not one individual who constitution.-But what he appear had been concerned in writing or ed to have most at heart, as was publishing them that was concerned very natural, and what it was the in any of the massacres. Excels principal tendency of his speech was the natural consequence of all to refute, was, the alleged incon- revolutions; when men shook off fistency of those who had formerly their flavery, under the neceflity supported parliamentary reform, in of recovering their liberty by force, opposing it now.-There was no they were naturally intemperate. inconsistency, he said, in foregoing If the question were put to him, a present advantage for a future who were the real authors and benefit, or for the sake of avoiding abettors of the French mafiacres, impending evils. Could we believe he would not hesitate to place that men, who remained unmoved certain despots in the front of his by the dismal example which their accusation. The minilier had deprinciples had produced, whole fired the public to look upon reforpretensions rose or fell with the "mation as a latent mode of overturnsuccess or the decline of jacobinism, ing the constitution. He knew not in every part of Europe, were ever why universal fuffrage had been actuated by a similarity of motives brouglit into such contempt. He and of objects with those who pro- remembered Mr. Pitt's having secuted the cause of reform as a figned his name, with the duke of practical advantage, and maintained Richmond, at some ineetings, in fait on constitutional view's. “ From your of reform and annual parliathe period, said Mr. Pitt, when the ments. Mr. Sheridan mentioned new and alarming æra of the French feveral circumstances of confort and revolution broke in upon the world, hope, in his own particular fituaI found that the grounds on which tion, which rendered it incredible the question of reform rested were that he should entertain any design fundamentally altered. I do not or wish to throw things into anarbelieve that the temper of moderate chy and confusion. For this, in reformers will lead them to make our opinion, Mr, Sheridan is ena

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do not consider it to be necessary, as we were members of parliament, speaking in parliament, to adhere to all the circumlocutions of " right honourable gentlemen opposite to each other, &c. &c."

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