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pendent of this Crown and Kingdom, than joined to it by so unnatural a conjunction, as that of Freedom with Servitude :-a conjunction, which, if it were at all practicable, could not fail, in the end, of being more mischievous to the peace, prosperity,

greatness, and power of this Nation, than benefi| cial, by any enlargement of the bounds of nominal li empire.

But because, Brethren, these professions are general, and such as even enemies may make, when they reserve to themselves the construction of what Servitude and what Liberty are, we inform you, that we adopt your own standard of the blessing of free Government. We are of opinion, that you ought to enjoy the sole and exclusive right of freely granting, and applying to the support of ministration, what God has freely granted as a reward to your industry. And we do not confine this. immunity from exteriour coercion, in this great point, solely. to what regards your local Establishment, but also, to what may be thought proper for the maintenance of the whole Empire. In this resource we cheerfully trust and acquiesce: satisfied by evident reason, that no other expectation of revenue can possibly be given by freemen; and knowing from an experience, uniform both on yours and on our side of the Ocean, that such an expectation has never yet been disappointed. We know of no road to your coffers but through your affections, .


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To manifest our sentiments the more clearly tò you and to the world on this subject; we declare our opinion, that if no revenue at all, which, however, we are far from supposing, were to be obtained from you to this Kingdom, yet as long as it is our happiness to be joined with you in the bonds of fraternal charity and freedom, with an open and flowing commerce between us, one principle of enmity and friendship pervading, and one right of War and Peace directing, the strength of the whole Empire, we are likely to be, at least, as powerful as any nation, or as any combination of nations, which is the course of human events may be formed against

We are sensible that a very large proportion of the wealth and power of every Empíre must necessarily be thrown upon the presiding State. We are sensible that such a State ever has borne, and ever must bear, the greatest part, and sometimes the whole, of the priblick expenses : and we think her well indemnified for that (rather apparent than real) inequality of charge, in the dignity and preeminence she enjoys, and in the superiour opulencë, which, after all charges defrayed, must necessarily remain at the centre of affairs. Of this principle We are not without évidence in our remembrance (not yet effaced) of the glorious and happy days of this Empire. We are, therefore, incapable of that prevaricating style, by which, when taxes without your consent are to be extorted from you, this

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Nation is represented as in the lowest state of im

poverishment and publick distress; but when we are y called upon to oppress you by force of arms, it is

painted as scarcely feeling its impositions, abounding with wealth, and inexhaustible in its resources.

We also reason and feel, as you do, on the i invasion of

your Charters. Because the Charters comprehend the essential forms, by which you I enjoy your liberties, we regard them as most sacred,

and by no means to be taken away or altered withput process, without examination, and without hearing, as they have lately been, We even think, that they ought by no means to be altered at all, but at the desire of the greater part of the people, who live under them. We cannot look upon men as delinquents in the mass; much less are we desirous of lording over our Brethren, insulting their honest pride, and wantonly overturning establishments, judged to be just and convenient by the publick wisdom of this Nation at their institution; and which long and inveterate use has taught you to look up to with affection and reverence. As we disapproved of the proceedings with regard to the forms of your Constitution, so we are equally tender of every leading principle of free Government, We never could think with approbation of putting the military power out of the coercion of the civil justice in the country, where it acts.

We disclaim also any sort of share in that other

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measure, which has been used to alienate


affections froin this Country, namely, the introduction of foreign mercenaries. We saw their employment with shame and regret, especially in numbers so far exceeding the English forces, as in effect to constitute vassals, who have no sense of freedom, and strangers, who have no common interest ory feelings, as the arbiters of our unhappy domestick quarrel.

We likewise saw with shame the African slaves, who had been sold to you on publick faith, and under the sanction of Acts of Parliament, to be your servants and your guards, employed to cut the throats of their masters.

* You will not, we trust, believe, that born in a civilized country, formed to gentle manners, trained in a merciful religion, and living in enlightened and polished times, where even foreign hostility is softened from its original sternness, we could have thought of letting loose upon you, our late beloved Brethren, these fierce tribes of Savages and Cannibals, in whom the traces of human nature are effaced by ignorance and barbarity. We rather wished to have joined with you, in bringing gradually that unhappy part of mankind into civility, order, piety, and virtuous discipline, than to have confirmed their evil habits, and increased their natural ferocity, by fleshing them in the slaughter of you, whom our wiser and better ancestors had

sent into the Wilderness, with the express view of introducing, along with our holy religion, its humane and charitable manners. We do not hold that all things are lawful in war. We should think, that every barbarity, in fire, in wasting, in murders, in tortures, and other cruelties too horrible, and too full of turpitude for Christian mouths to utter, or ears to hear, if done at our instigation (by those, who, we know, will inake war thus if they make it all) to be, to all intents and purposes, as if done by ourselves. We clear ourselves to you our Brethren, to the present age, and to future generations, to our King and our Country, and to Europe, which, as a spectator, beholds this tragick scene, of every part or share in adding this last and worst of evils to the inevitable inischiefs of a Civil War.

We do not call you Rebels and Traitors. We do not call for the vengeance of the Crown against you. We do not know how to qualify millions of our Countrymen, contending, with one heart, for an admission to privileges, which we have ever thought our own happiness and honour, by odious and unworthy names. On the 'contrary, we highly revere the principles, on which you act, though we lainent some of their effects. Armed as you are, we embrace you as our friends, and as our brethren, by the best and dearest ties of relation.


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