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citizen army, although it is indirectly endorsed. It does not advise the general strike, insurrection, or desertion, but denounces militarism unreservedly, makes no concession to Bebel's "patriotism," or his necessity of armament, and leaves the methods to be pursued in case of war to the Socialist parties of the nations concerned.

As the resolution was adopted unanimously by the committee, it was decided to permit no discussion on the floor of the Congress and to move the previous question upon the presentation of the resolution. To this Hervé strenuously objected, and in a ten-minute speech nominally upon the question of adopting the closure of debate, gave another refreshing shock to the Con-, gress. He declared that the Germans had been opposed to nearly everything in the resolution, and expressed a desire to have them explain their sudden conversion. He declared this would be an excellent opportunity for some of the foreign delegates to speak their minds openly without fear of police interference since it was the last day of the Congress and all the delegates were going home, and the worst the police could do would be to close the Congress summarily and order the delegates beyond the frontier of Germany, two things that would be already accomplished by the time the governmental machinery could be put in motion.

But while the delegates were moved to laughter and interest by his wit and brilliancy they decided to vote for the previous question, and the following resolution was accordingly unanimously adopted:


The Congress confirms the resolutions passed by the former International Congress against militarism and imperialism, and it again declares that the fight against militarism cannot be separated from the socialist struggle of classes as a whole.

Wars between capitalistic states are as a rule the consequence of their competition in the world's market, for every state is eager not only to preserve its markets, but also to conquer new ones, principally by the subjugation of foreign nations and the confiscation of their lands. These wars are further engendered by the unceasing and ever increasing armaments of militarism, which is one of the principal instruments for maintaining the predominance of the bourgeois classes and for subjugating the working classes politically as well as economically.

The breaking out of wars is further favoured by the national prejudices systematically cultivated in the interest of the reigning classes, in order to turn off the masses of the proletariat from the duties of their class and of international solidarity.

Wars are therefore essential to capitalism; they will not cease until the capitalistic system has been done away with, or until the sacrifices in men and money required by the technical development of the military system and the revolt against the armaments have become so great as to compel the nations to give up this system.

Especially the working classes from which the soldiers are chiefly

recruited, and which have to bear the greater part of the financial burdens, are by nature opposed to war, because it is irreconcilable with their aim: the creation of a new economic system founded on a socialistic basis and realizing the solidarity of the nations.

The Congress therefore considers it to be the duty of the working classes, and especially of their parliamentary representatives, to fight" with all their might against the military and naval armaments, not to grant any money for such purposes, pointing out at the same time the class character of bourgeois society and the real motives for keeping up the antagonisms, between nations, and further to imbue the young people of the working classes with the socialist spirit of universal brotherhood and with class consciousness.

The Congress considers that the democratic organization of national defence, by replacing the standing army, will prove an effective means for making aggressive wars impossible, and for overcoming national antagonisms.

The International cannot lay down rigid formulas for the action of the working classes against militarism, as this action must of necessity differ according to the time and conditions of the various national parties. But it is its duty to intensify and to co-ordinate as much as possible the efforts of the working classes against militarism and against war.

In fact, since the Brussels Congress, the proletariat in its untiring fight against militarism, by refusing to grant the expenses for military and naval armaments, by democratizing the army, has had recourse with increasing vigor and success to the most varied methods of action in order to prevent the breaking out of wars, or to end them, or to make use of the agitation of the social body caused by a war for the emancipation of the working classes: as for instance the understanding arrived at between the English and the French trade unions after the Fachoda crisis, which served to assure peace and to reestablish friendly relations between England and France; the action of the socialist parties in the German and French parliaments during the Marocco crisis; the public demonstrations organized for the same purpose by the French and German socialists; the common action of the Austrian and Italian socialists who met at Trieste in order to ward off a conflict between the two states; further the vigorous intervention of the socialist workers of Sweden in order to prevent an attack against Norway; and lastly, the heroic sacrifices and fights of the masses of socialist workers and peasants of Russia and Poland rising against the war provoked by the government of the Czar, in order to put an end to it and to make use of the crisis for the emancipation of their country and of the working classes. All these efforts show the growing power of the proletariat and its increasing desire to maintain peace by its energetic intervention.

The action of the working classes will be the more successful, the more the mind of the people has been prepared by an unceasing propaganda, and the more the Labor parties of the different countries have been stimulatd and drawn together by the International.

The Congress further expresses its conviction that under the pressure exerted by the proletariat the practice of honest arbitration in all disputes will take the place of the futile attempts of the bourgeois governments, and that in this way the people will be assured the bene

of universal disarmament which will allow the enormous resources of energy and money wasted, by armaments and by wars, to be applied to the progress of civilization.

In case of war being imminent, the working classes and their parliamentary representatives in the countries concerned shall be

bound, with the assistance of the International Socialist Bureau, to do all they can to prevent the breaking out of the war, using for this purpose the means which appear to them the most efficacious, and which must naturaly vary according to the acuteness of the struggle of classes, and to the general political conditions.

In case war should break out, notwithstanding, they shall be bound to intervene for its being brought to a speedy end, and to employ all their forces for utilizing the economical and political crisis created by the war, in order to rouse the masses of the people and to hasten the downbreak of the predominance of the capitalist class.


Perhaps the second most important question before the Congress, and the one of greatest interest to the United States, was, the one on the relations between Trade Unions and Socialist Parties. This committee also found considerable difficulty in arriving at an agreement. Three separate points of view were presented: (a) The French, strongly tinged with syndicalism and suggesting the general strike and direct action and almost complete independence of the unions, and no direct connection between the unions and political parties; (b) the Belgian, advocating almost complete amalgamation of the two forms of working class activity, and (c) what might be called the German and Austrian view calling for co-operation with a large amount of autonomy.

On the whole, it was the latter view which prevailed, although the resolution presented by the German and Austrian delegates was very much modified before its final presentation and adoption by the Congress.

To this committee the Germans sent Kautsky and Legien; the Belgians, Ansele and Broukere; France, Renaudel, and others the men who have helped to make the history of labor in their various countries.

Here it was that De Leon made almost his only appearance in the Congress and presented a resolution filled with references to the A. F. of L., "Labor Lieutenants," the Civic Federation, and other matters having only the most local reference and utterly meaningless in an International Congress. He presented a minority report and addressed the Congress in a soap-box speech on the evils of the Socialist Party and filled with more personalities and personal allusions which served only to mystify the Congress in so far as they listened to him at all. It so happened that some of the French syndicalists were opposed to a portion of the minority resolution, so that some 19 votes were cast against it. Some of the S. L. P. delegation were claiming these as votes for their resolution. But a hasty inquiry among these delegates revealed the fact that none of them were in the least interested in the S. L. P. resolution and had no idea of voting for it. Of course De Leon's resolution never came to a vote, so it is impossible to say how many were of his way of

thinking; but three votes in addition to his own delegation would be a reasonable estimate.

The resolution itself is so lengthy as to be self-explanatory and is given herewith:



To enfranchise the proletariat completely from the bonds of intellectual, political and economic serfdom, the political and economic struggle are alike necessary. If the activity of the Socialist Party is exercised more especially in the domain of the political struggle of the proletariat, that of the unions displays itself in the domain of the economic struggle of the workers. The Unions and the Party have therefore an equally important task to perform in the struggle for proletarian emancipation. Each of the two organizations has its distinct domain, defined by its nature and within whose borders it should enjoy independent control of its line of action. But there is an ever widening domain in the proletarian struggle of the classes in which they can only reap advantages by concerted action and by cooperation between the Party and Trade Unions.

As a consequence the proletarian struggle will be carried on more successfully and with more important results if the relations between the Unions and the Party are strengthened without infringing the necessary unity of the Trade Unions.

The Congress declares that it is to the interest of the working class in every country that close and permanent relations should be established between the Unions and the Party.

It is the duty of the Party and of the Trade Unions to render moral support the one to the other and to make use only of those means which may help forward the emancipation of the proletariat. When divergent opinions arise between the two organizations as to the suitableness of certain tactics, they should arrive at an agreement by discussion.

The Unions will not fully perform their duty in the struggle for . the emancipation of the workers unless a thoroughly Socialist spirit inspires their policy. It is the duty of the Party to help the Unions in their work of raising the workers and of ameliorating their social conditions. In its parliamentary action the Party must vigorously support the demands of the Unions.

The Congress declares that the development of the capitalist system of production, the increased concentration of the means of production, the growing alliances of employers, the increasing depend ence of particular trades upon the totality of bourgeous society would reduce Trade Unions to impotency if, concerning themselves about nothing more than trade interests, they took their stand on corporate selfishness and admitted the theory of harmony of interests between Labor and Capital.

The Congress is of the opinion that the Unions will be able more successfully to carry on their struggle against exploitation and oppression, in proportion as their organization is more unified, as their benefit system is improved, as the funds necessary for their struggle are better supplied, and as their members gain a clearer conception of economic relations and conditions and are inspired by the socialist ideal with greater enthusiasm and devotion.


The Congress invites all the Trade Unions that accept the conditions laid down by the Brussels Conference of 1899, and ratified by the Paris Congress of 1900, to be represented at the International Congress and to maintain relations with the International Socialist Bureau. It charges the latter to enter into relations with the International Secretariat of Trade Unions at Berlin so as to exchange information respecting working-class organization and the workers movement.


The Congress directs the International Bureau to collect all documents which may facilitate the study of the relations between trade organizations and the socialist parties in all countries and to present a report on the subject to the next Congress.


The immigration question was another in which the United States is most, deeply interested-much more so, in fact, than any other single country, and well nigh as much as all other countries combined. Yet on the whole the resolution was formulated by other countries which really have no immigration problem and who approached it almost wholly from a doctrinaire point of view.

The Congress was decidedly opposed to all restrictions of immigration based upon racial or national distinctions, and favored restrictions only for contract labor and professional strikebreakers. The resolution as finally formulated was unanimously adopted and provides for a positive program of action toward immigration and emigration rather than any negative prohibitive or restrictive features.

The resolution as adopted follows:

The Congress declares:

Immigration and Emigration of workingmen are phenomena as inseparable from the substance of capitalism as unemployment, overproduction and underconsumption of the workingmen, they are frequently one of the means to reduce the share of the workingmen in the product of labor and at times they assume abnormal dimensions through political religious and national persecutions.

The Congress does not consider exceptional measures of any kind, economic or political, the means for removing any danger which may arise to the working class from immigration and emigration since such measures are fruitless and reactionary; especially not the restriction of the freedom of migration and the exclusion of foreign nations and races.

At the same time the Congress declares it to be the duty of organized workingmen to protect themselves against the lowering of their standard of life which frequently results from the massimport of unorganized workingmen. The Congress declares it to be their duty to prevent the import and export of strikebreakers.

The Congress recognizes the difficulties which in many cases confront the workingmen of the countries of a more advanced stage of capitalist development through the mass immigration of unorganized workingmen accustomed to a lower standard of life and coming from countries of prevalently agricultural and domestic civilization, and also the dangers which confront them certain forms of immgration.

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