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Interea mixtis lustrabo Maenala Nymphis,
Spicula. Tamquam haec sit nostri medicina furoris,
with the tree, but that the passion will
55.] He will throw himself into the hunting part of a shepherd's life (2.29 note). "Mixtis Nymphis,' a common variety for ' mixtus.' 66 Mixtoque insania luctu," A. 10. 871. The nymphs of the wood and mountain would take part in the chase, as when they attend on Diana, Hom. Od. 6. 105. 'Lustrare' need not refer specially to dancing, as Voss thinks, though that may have been the motion in the chase (comp. A. 1. 499). With the passage generally comp. G. 3. 40 foll.
merely distinguishes the actual chase from its preliminaries. So A. 1. 322. " errantem succinctam ... aut spumantis apri cursum clamore prementem." 57.] Parthenios,' Dict. Geogr., agrees with the Arcadian scenery. 'Canibus circumdare saltus,' G. 1. 140. See on 6. 56.
58.] Lucosque sonantis,' with the cry of the hunt (G. 3. 43). The same words occur G. 4. 364, where the noise is that of water.
59.] Partho' and 'Cydonia' ("Gnosia spicula," A. 5. 306), the Cretan reeds being especially good for arrows, are probably literary epithets (note on 1. 55). 'Cornu' for a bow of horn, A. 7. 497. See the description of Pandarus' bow, Hom. Il. 4. 105 foll. 'Torquere,' improperly used of shooting an arrow, as in A. 5. 497.
60.] In the full burst of his enthusiasm he feels that he is deluding himself, as Heyne remarks. 'Sint' was adopted by Heyne after Heins. from the Med., but Wagn. justly regards this as a case of the confusion of numbers, not uncommon even in the best MSS. (see on 6. 30), 'haec' having been wrongly supposed to refer to 'spicula.'
61.] Ille,' whom we know so well-too
well to think him capable of pity. So 'illum,' v. 64.
62-69.] 'No, woodland and song are delusions after all; love is not to be baffled by the most violent change of scene-we have only to give way to him.'
62.] Iam' expresses that the change of feeling is already begun. Hamadryades,' referring to the nymphs of v. 55. 'Rursus' is restored by Wagn. here and in the next line, with the remark that in the best MSS. 'rursum 'is generally found only before a
63.] Ipsa' emphasizes the second negative clause, as in A. 4. 601, 66 non socios, non ipsum absumere ferro Ascanium?" Songs had formerly been his especial passion. So 'ipsae silvae,' because it is the whole of woodland life that he quarrels with. 'Concedite :'"Concedite atque abscedite, omnes de via decedite," Plaut. Amph. 3. 4. 1: a less courteous phrase than 'vivite silvae,' 8. 58.
64.] He is not one on whom any hardships of ours (see the preceding and succeeding verses) can work a change.' Both hardship and effort seem included in 'labores' here. 'Mutare,' of effecting a change in a person, A. 5. 679., 12. 240. The sentiment resembles that of Horace's well-known line, "Caelum non animum,' &c.
65.] Imitated from Theocr. 7. 111, where the subject is a menacé to Pan. The Hebrus, spoken of by Hor. 1 Ep. 3. 3, as “nivali compede vinctus," was, as Forb. remarks, one of the first ice-bound rivers which the Romans had encountered in their expeditions. Virgil may be thinking of hunting in winter, as in v. 56, but there is nothing to fix it definitely.
66.] Sithonia,' Dict. Geogr. "Memphin carentem Sithonia nive," Hor. 3 Od.
P. VERGILI MARONIS BUCOLICA. ECL. X.
Nec si, cum moriens alta liber aret in ulmo,
Haec sat erit, divae, vestrum cecinisse poetam,
26. 10. The second syllable is long in
67.]When the elm is parched to the quick,' 'liber' being the inner bark. 'Liber moriens,' however, is a somewhat extravagant expression, and it may be worth while suggesting as a possibility that 'aret Liber' may be the true reading. Comp. 7. 57, "Aret ager: vitio moriens sitit aeris herba: Liber pampineas invidit collibus umbras." The elm and vine together would not be more inappropriate in Aethiopia than the elm alone, if Virgil means anything more by the clause than to mark the time.
68.] Should ply a shepherd's calling in Aethiopia,' as Pan in Theocr. 1. c. is told παρ' Αἰθιόπεσσι νομεύοις, with reference rather to his own habits than to their fitness for the country. Versemus,' perhaps a translation of the Greek Toλεiv: though the word was doubtless chosen to express the long weary wanderings of a shepherd in the desert, for which Voss refers to G. 3. 339 foll. "Cancri: "Aestus erat mediusque dies, solisque vapore Concava litorei fervebant brachia Cancri," Ov. M. 10. 126.
69.] Since love conquers everything, change of climate, occupation and all, why should I hold out?'
70-77.] 'So much for my pastoral song for Gallus; may it be worthy of my evergrowing love for him! A shepherd must not remain in the shade too long, and the flock must be driven home.'
70.] Divae:' see on v. 9.
71.] Hibisco,' 2. 30.
Basket-work is the shepherd's employment for idler hours. See on 2. 71. The object of the 'fiscella is shown by the imitation in Tibull. 3. 15, "Tum fiscella levi detexta est vimine iunci, Raraque per nexus est via facta sero. also Col. 7. 8.
72.] Slight as this is, you will make it of highest worth for Gallus,' will give it a peculiar charm in his eyes: quae Maxima semper Dicetur nobis, et erit quae maxima semper," A. 8. 271.
73.] My love for Gallus grows as fast, hour by hour, as the alder in spring.' sinus comp. Pind. Nem. 8. 40, avšεTaL δ ̓ ἀρετά, χλωραῖς ἐέρσαις ὡς ὅτε δένδρεον ooεl.
74.] Vere novo,' as the growing time, G. 2. 323 foll. 'Se subiicit,' ib. 19.
75.] 'Gravis umbra.' Comp. Lucr. 6. 783, "Arboribus primum certis gravi umbra tributa est Usque adeo, capitis faciant ut saepe dolores, Si quis eas subter iacuit prostratus in herbis." 'Cantantibus,' to those who sit and sing under them -not with reference to any effect on the voice, as Dryden translates it.
76.] Iuniperi,' 7. 53. He is sitting then under a juniper. Martyn declares that the smell of the juniper is considered wholesome; but Heyne refers to Apoll. Rh. 4. 156, where Medea uses a branch of juniper as the vehicle for sprinkling her drugs on the dragon's eyes, as a proof that the ancients thought there was something prejudicial about it. "Nocent et frugibus umbrae,' G. 1. 121. The fact seems mentioned here as a shepherd's way of confirming his statement- It is bad singing in the shade why, shade does harm to the crops.'
77.] For the turn of the line comp. 1. 75., 7. 44; for the sense, 6. 85, 86. Venit,' of a star rising, as in 5. 82 of a wind getting up.
NOTE ON THE SCENERY ABOUT MANTUA.
Readers of Eustace's Classical Tour through Italy may remember that while asserting that "Virgil's Pastorals ought in general to be considered not as pictures of real scenery
but as mere lusus poetici composed in imitation of Theocritus," he excepts the descriptive passages in the First, Seventh, and Ninth Eclogues, and discovers the place qua se subducere colles
Incipiunt, mollique iugum demittere clivo
in the neighbourhood of Valeggio, "near which town they (the hills) begin to subside, and gradually lose themselves in the immense plain of Mantua." There, and no where else on the banks of the Mincius, he finds the rocks, crags, and mountains of the first Eclogue. (Tour, vol. i., pp. 217 foll., third edition.) I have applied to Mr. Keightley on the subject, and have pleasure in extracting part of the answer with which he has favoured me. "All I can tell you is that on my arriving in Mantua in company with two French gentlemen, whose sight was better than mine, we all ascended the Torre di Gabbia to view the surrounding country, which I swept with a good opera-glass, and we came, without a moment's hesitation, to the conclusion expressed in p. 15 of my Virgil. I had intended walking out to Pietola, but from the view I had of it I saw that it would be quite a work of supererogation. Next day a gentleman who resided in Cremona accompanied us to Milan, when, finding that he was a sportsman and was in the habit of traversing the country in all directions, I asked him about rocks, &c., and he assured me there was no stone at all in the plain-nothing but gesso, sulphate of lime."
I ought also to mention that, according to Eustace," the 'spreading beech' still delights in the soil and adorns the banks of the Mincius in all its windings."
So far as Virgil is concerned, it is obvious that the question is an unimportant one, as it is admitted on both sides that the scenery of the Eclogues is generally Theocritean, but that the actual features of the Mantuan district are represented in one or two exceptional
THE LATER BUCOLIC POETS OF ROME.
Ir bucolic poetry found no cultivators at Rome before the time of Virgil, it does not seem to have enjoyed much more popularity afterwards. Wernsdorf (Poetae Latini Minores, vol. 2, praef. pp. vi, vii), who wonders that it should not have flourished more among a people originally sprung from shepherds and preserving the recollection of their origin by annual festivals, and inclines to lay the blame on the luxurious temper of the great city, as being naturally antagonistic to a taste for rustic simplicity, is sufficiently explicit in his testimony to the fact, stating that no trace can be discovered of the existence of any bucolic writer earlier than Calpurnius, while the pastoral poets of a later period, with the exception of Nemesianus, who, in his view, as we shall see, is not really one of them, are inelegant and hardly worth reprinting. Calpurnius and Nemesianus themselves cannot be said to stand high in the list of post-Augustan authors; but as they happen to fall within the classical period, as commonly understood, and conform more closely than their successors to the Theocritean or Virgilian type in the treatment of their subject, perhaps a brief account of them may not be unacceptable.
At the outset we are met by a critical question, affecting the authorship of the works which bear their name. These amount jointly to eleven pastorals, most of them averaging less than one hundred lines. All of them were assigned by the five first editions, following the majority of the MSS., to a single writer, T. (or, as the first edition gives it, after one MS., C.) Calpurnius Siculus. The sixth edition, impressum Parmae per Angelū Ugoletū,' without a date, but referred by Ulitius to the year 1500, made a division of the authorship, attributing the seven first pastorals to Calpurnius, the remaining four to [M. Aurelius Olympius] Nemesianus, on the authority of a 'most ancient and correct MS. from Germany belonging to Thadaeus Ugoletus. It also prefixed a title to the bucolics of Calpurnius, inscribing them to this same Nemesianus. This arrangement seems to have been followed almost unhesitatingly by subsequent editors till the time of Janus Ulitius, who, in his Venatio Novantiqua' (Elzevir, 1645, an edition of the didactic writers on hunting, together with the pastorals of Calpurnius and Nemesianus),
stated reasons for restoring the whole to Calpurnius. The tide now turned: Burmann, in the preface to his 'Poetae Latini Minores' (Leyden, 1731), accepted Ulitius' view, though, like him, he did not venture in his text to disturb the received division: and Wernsdorf, fifty years afterwards, in his preface cited above, and in an introductory essay on Calpurnius and his Eclogues, enforced the same doctrine by an array of arguments which till very lately were generally supposed to have set the question at rest. The main considerations on which he relies are the absence of any mention of Nemesianus as a pastoral writer by Vopiscus, who alludes to his other works, as well as by the earlier scholars after the revival of learning, the fact that no MS. containing his undisputed works contains these pastorals, the insufficiency of a single MS. authority, the self-contradictory character of the testimony supplied by the Parma edition, which apparently shows that in that single MS. the arrangement had been tampered with by a later hand, the similarity of the style of the two sets of poems, 'ut lac lacti simillimus,' and the probability that Calpurnius would write neither more nor less than eleven pastorals, that being the number of the Idyls of Theocritus which may fairly be called rustic proper—an argument somewhat recondite in itself, and depending on a proposition which has itself to be supported by a good deal of wiredrawn reasoning, of too special a character to be detailed here. So matters appear to have stood till the publication of Maurice Haupt's 'De Carminibus Bucolicis Calpurnii et Nemesiani Liber' (Leipsic, 1854). In this monograph, which in its comprehensive knowledge and ingenuity of conjecture is a fair specimen of the best German scholarship of our day, the divided authorship of these Eclogues is strongly asserted. Rejecting considerations grounded on the literary character of the several poems as too dependent on individual taste to furnish material for argument, the writer points out one remarkable peculiarity which discriminates the undisputed Calpurnian Eclogues from the others, the absence of elisions in any foot but the first, most of the few apparent exceptions being shown either to arise from false readings, or to be such as really prove the rule-a degree of strictness transcending that of Tibullus, Lygdamus, and Ovid, who are particular only not to elide long vowels after the first foot, whereas Calpurnius does not elide long vowels at all. From this positive proof of a distinction of authors, a proof all the stronger as being furnished, as it were, unconsciously by the poems themselves, he proceeds to controvert Wernsdorf's arguments for identity. The argument drawn from the supposed number of the rustic idyls of Theocritus he meets not only by denying the proposition on which it rests, but by showing how easily a counter argument might be constructed to prove that Calpurnius wrote only seven Eclogues, because, according to Servius, only seven of Virgil's are rustic proper. Werns