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may acquire, or whomsoever they might destroy, he raises a doubt." whether France will not be ruined

by retaining these conquests, and whether she “ will not wholly lose that preponderance, which she “ has held in the scale of European powers, and o will not eventually be destroyed by the effect of “ her present successes, or, at least, whether, so far

as the political interests of England are concerned, "she (France) will remain an object of as much jealousy and alarm as she was under the reign of a Monarch.Here indeed is a paragraph full of meaning! It gives matter for meditation alınost in every word of it. The secret of the pacifick politicians is out. This Republick at all hazards is to be maintained. It is to be confined within some bounds if we can; if not, with every possible acquisition of power, it is still to be cherished and supported. It is the return of the Monarchy we are to dread, and therefore we ought to pray for the permanence of the Regicide authority. Esto perpetua is the devout ejaculation of our Fra Paolo for the Republick one and indivisible. It was the Monarchy, that rendered France dangerous--Regicide neutralizes all the acrimony of that power, and renders it safe and social. The October speculator is of opinion, that Monarchy is of so poisonous a quality, that a moderate territorial power is far more dangerous to its neighbours under that abominable regimen than the greatest Empire in the hands of a

Republick.

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Republick. This is Jacobinism sublimed and exalted into most pure and perfect essence. It is a doctrine, I admit, made to allure and captivate, if any thing in the world can, the Jacobin directory, to mollify the ferocity of Regicide, and to persuade those patriotick Hangmen, after their reiterated oaths for our extirpation, to admit this well-humbled nation to the fraternal embrace. I do not wonder that this tub of October has been racked off into a French cask. It must make its fortune at Paris. That translation seems the language the most suited to these sentiments. Our author tells the French Jacobins that the political interests of Great Britain are in perfect unison with the principles of their government; that they may take and keep the keys of the civilized world, for they are safe in their unambitious and faithful custody. We say to them, -we may, indeed, wish you to be a little less murderous, wicked and atheistical, for the sake of morals: We may think it were better you were less new, fangled in your speech, for the sake of grammar : but, as politicians, provided you keep clear of Monarchy, all our fears, alarms and jealousies, are at an end : at least they sink into nothing in comparison of our dread of your detestable Royalty. A flatterer of Cardinal Mazarin said; when that Minister had just settled the match between the young

Louis the 14th and a daughter of Spain, that this alliance had the effect of Faith, and had removed Mountains;

-that

that the Pyrenees were levelled by that marriage. You may now compliment Rewbel in the same spirit on the miracles of Regicide, and tell him, that the guillotine of Louis the XVIth had consummated a marriage between Great Britain and France, which dried up the Channel, and restored the two countries to the unity, which, it is said, they had before the unnatural rage of seas and earthquakes on will be a fine subject for the Poets, who are to prophesy the blessings of this peace.

I am now convinced, that the Remarks of the last week of October cannot come from the author, to whom they are given; they are such a direct contradiction to the style of manly indignation, with which he spoke of those miscreants and murderers in his excellent Memorial to the States of Holland—to that very State, which the Author, who presumes to personate him, does not find it contrary to the political interests of England to leave in the hands of these very miscreants, against whom on the part of England he took so much pains to animate their Republick. This cannot be ; and, if this argument wanted any thing to give it new force, it is strengthened by an additional reason, that is irresistible. Knowing that Noble person, as well as myself, to be under very great obligations to the Crown, I am confident he would not so very directly contradict, even in the paroxysm of his zeal against

monarchy,

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monarchy, the declarations made in the name and with the fullest approbation of our Sovereign, his Master, and our common benefactor. - In those declarations

you will see, that the King, instead of being sensible of greater alarm and jealousy from a neighbouring crowned head than from these. Regicides, attributes all the dangers of Europe to the latter. Let this writer hear the description given in the Royal Declaration of the scheme of power of these Miscreants, as “ a system destructive of all

publick order; maintained by proscriptions, exiles, and confiscations without number; by arbitrary

imprisonments; by massacres, which cannot be remembered without horrour; and at length by the execrable murder of a just and beneficent Sode

reign, and of the illustrious princess, who with an unshaken firmness has shared all the misfortunes

of her Royal consort, his protracted sufferings, his cruel captivity, and his ignominious death." After thus describing, with an eloquence and energy equalled only by its truth, the means, by which this usurped power had been acquired and maintained, that government is characterized with equal force. His Majesty, far from thinking Monarchy in France to be a greater object of jealousy than the Regicide usurpation, calls upon the French to re-establish

a monarchical governmentfor the purpose of shaking off the yoke of a sanguinary anarchy; of that anarchy, which has broken the most

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sacred

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sacred bonds of Society, dissolved all the relations of civil life, violated every right, confounded every

duty; which uses the name of liberty to exercise " the most cruel tyranny, to annihilate all property, " to seize on all possessions ; which founds its power

on the pretended consent of the people, and itself carries fire and sword through extensive provinces for having demanded their laws, their religion " and their rightful Sovereign.

" That strain I heard was of an higher mood.” That declaration of our Sovereign was worthy of his throne. It is in a style, which neither the pen of the writer of October, nor such a poor crow-quill as mine can ever hope to equal. I am happy to enrich

my

letter with this fragment of nervous and manly eloquence, which, if it had not emanated from the awful authority of a throne, if it were not recorded amongst the most valuable monuments of history, and consecrated in the archives of States, would be worthy, as a private composition, to live for ever in the memory of men.

In those admirable pieces, does his Majesty discover this new opinion of his political security in having the chair of the Scorner, that is, the discipline of Atheism, and the block of Regicide, set up by his side, elevated on the same platform, and shouldering, with the vile image of their grim and bloody idol, the inviolable majesty of his throne? The sentiments of these declarations are the very

VOL. IX.

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