up my pen, with the intention of beginning my history; but such is the weakness of my nature, I laid it aside again, and could not write one word.-I will to-morrow.

Nov. 4th.-Walked about the whole day, for the purpose of collecting my thoughts, and actually commenced my story; which 1 shall briefly sketch from the commencement, that those persons into whose hands this MS. falls may perfectly understand the events which caused me to be separated from the being I loved most of all that moved upon the earth.

**

Of my childhood I have but an imperfect recollection. It is distanced from me by many long years. I know that certain things did occur, but no continuous string of events presents itself. Scenes flit before me. Episodes in my life stand prominently forward from the dark background of the past. Incidents which, when they occurred, seemed of little importance, flash distinctly before my mind's eye, as though they were links connected with my subsequent history. I know that I was a wild, impetuous boy; that my father tried the effect both of kindness and severity in curbing my passionate impulses; and that my mother, with gentle firmness, steadily pursued one uniform course of discipline, which she hoped might have the effect of drawing me into the right course. But my perverse spirit refused to bend. I was the eldest of the family, I was heir to the estate, and my only brother and gentle sister often suffered from the effects of my violent temper. * Sister! what melancholy recollections are associated with her name. As often as I think upon the tender affection she bore towards me, and how I pained her unheeding, how I neglected her, until when summoned to her death-bed, I suddenly became awakened to all her past love-too late-too late. I feel as full a tide of grief sweeping over my heart as though I saw her bed yesterday, and * * * Nov. 8th. I have done nothing to my journal for the last few days. I heard a very excellent sermon this morning. In coming out of the church, I was extremely struck by the beauty of a little girl belong ing to the charity school. She was about nine years of age, small and delicately formed, with a face of a pensive loveliness, more resembling that of the Madonna, as we imagine her to have been, than anything I ever saw. The mild yet full, blue eye, the delicate eyebrow, and long straight nose, the mouth of perfect symmetry, and the forehead shaded slightly by the snowwhite cap, all combined to fix the gaze upon her. As I looked, I was also struck by the peculiar paleness of the whole countenance, and could not help thinking that she was not destined to be long upon

earth. Not that her beauty made me think so, but there was, if I may so speak, such a heavenly expression in her eyes, such innocence seemed stamped upon her brow, that amongst the many different faces from which hers beamed forth, she appeared wholly out of place. I will inquire whose child she is, and notice her career at least, as long as I am spared.

Nov. 9th. I have been oppressed tonight with strange fancies. I do not think I have long to live. Such an eager desire is aroused in my heart to do everything at once, as it were-to set my affairs in order to prepare my mind to quit this world.-Quit this world! Leave behind and see no more those treasures which I have so neglected. Yes, quit the earth, and behold no more the glad sun pouring forth its golden beams upon all nature, the green grass, the tall, waving trees, the woodland slopes, the murmuring streams, the deep flowing rivers, the glassy lakes, the autumn-tinted forests, the treasures of the spring, the dark hills, the spangled sky, the cheerful day, the sound of voices, and the society of men which I have shunned. Yes, I have shunned all these things while within my grasp, and now vain regrets oppress me when a warning voice tells me I must depart, and begone from scenes in which I have chosen to stand alone. An ever billowing sea of happiness has been rolling around me in the distance, I have heard its echoes in my solitude, I have listened to the merry laugh of childhood, and the singing of the glad birds has broken on my ear from afar, like the breaking of the murmuring waves on the pebbly shore in the solitude of night; but I have not gone forth to mingle in the joy, I have chosen to be unhappy, and have only discovered my error when too late. And who shall say I have not deserved my fate? No one could or ought to sympathise with me. Man's happiness or unhappiness in this world, in a great measure, depends upon himself. Circumstances may give a colouring to his life, may render him less happy-less happy, that is, in a worldly sense-but they cannot influence that inward joy which springs from the consciousness of having performed our duty,- -not only that daily routine of duties which every man is required to perform, but our duty to God, to man, to ourselves. Had I my life to live over again, I should be much more capable of making myself happy. But regrets are useless; the past is now as nothing. I must and will exert myself in the future.

The National is welcome to sneer at the surprise excited on this side of the channel, by its conduct in reference to the question of free trade, and to impute our interest in the progress, and our anxiety for the success of the doctrines of commercial liberty to sinister and selfish motives. Such accusations have been so constantly made from the same quarter, that now they fall unheeded on our ears, provoking-if anything-contempt instead of anger. "Perfide Albion, l'assassine de l'Inde et empoisonneuse de la Chine," is a stock joke with a facetious cotemporary, and an epithet too often and indiscriminately applied to have any point or sting for Englishmen. But, to venture to assert, as the National does assert, that it is at a loss to know on what article in its columns the charge of hostility to the principles of free trade was based (in THE MIRROR of last month), is a strange inconsistency, and positive insult to the memory and understanding of its readers. It is scarcely credible that a journal of such pretensions can be so lamely and carelessly conducted, as to be to-day in a state of unconscious ignorance of the opinions it promulgated and formularised yesterday; and doubts of the integrity of the paper are materially strengthened by the conciliatory language employed when speaking of free trade per se, for those who were ever crying

"Timeo Danaus et dona ferentes,"

have in turn taught us to suspect and to seek for the hidden motives which dictates conduct certainly very vacillating, and to all appearances, alike unmanly and disho

nest.

Had the National openly and boldly averred that the translation was erroneous on which the charge referred to was founded, or was in fact a misinterpretation of its sentiments calculated to mislead the readers, it would have been the duty of the writer to have proved the truth of his translation, and correctness of the deductions, by placing the original before them. Such proof is, however, unnecessary; the National does not impugn his loyalty, only cannot understand from whence his inferences are drawn; which remarkable instance of dulness of comprehension on the part of a paper hitherto the most acute in penetrating even the secrets of cabinets, and in unveiling the intentions of diplomacy, coupled with the assumption of a character so foreign to its general one,

argues the existence of an "arriére pénsée," deemed prudent to conceal. Those possessing an accurate knowledge of the character of the French press, and its subserviency to party-how each section of the Chamber has its organ-and how the individuals are compromised by the published opinions therein-will not be long in discovering the why and the wherefore of these proceedings. But for those not having such a knowledge, or accustomed to judge of foreign journals by "the only free press in Europe," it may be well to attempt an explanation, or at least to suggest a reason for the apparently inexplicable obtuseness of the cleverest edited paper in Paris.

,,

The National-independent of the talent with which it is conducted-rests its claim to public attention on being the mouthpiece of the radical party, consequently is fully alive to the incompatibility of the professions of advocacy for liberty in all things "toujours et partout," with its furious and material opposition to "liberté des échanges." The "Gauche," and "extrème Gauche,' can see at last, how ill and graceless will come from them, at the ensuing election, an appeal for support in furtherance of the liberal (?) policy to their different constituencies after this wanton betrayal of the truest and surest interest of the down-trod masses of France; and that this support and confidence of trust will be difficult to obtain from the people; who remember that their tongues have wagged the loudest in fierce denunciation of taxes which operated as restrictions on trade, and had the effect of withholding from any of God's creatures any of God's gifts; also, because such iniquitous impositions were forcibly levied, they repudiated the present organisation of society, wishing to substi tute some Utopia of their own, and unhesitatingly proclaimed war, "even to the knife," against capitalists and large manufacturers, who were the staunchest defenders of the established order of things, and whom they accused of tyrannical oppression towards their dependents, and heartless cruelty for the sufferings of the working classes. The columns of the National re echoed these diatribes, while, at the same time, propounding the wildest schemes for freedom; which, if realised, would soon degenerate liberty into license. No theory of government, however impracticable, provided it was opposed to those of the present day, found disfavour in their sight. The most extravagant masquerading and exaggeration of democracy, in which the western world sometimes indulges, met with sympathy, nay even praise, from them and theirs; yet, when called on to practise what they preach, and assuage the sufferings of the poor, by taking this first step

towards equalising men and things, they refuse, because, forsooth, the doctrine was taught and the example set by a rival na. tion! Which reason was quoted in a former article on free trade in France, and originated the charge to which the National has now thought fit to reply, devoting two columns thereto, in exposition of its sentiments, and in vindication of its bearing towards free trade.

The radical party may, and will most probably, state that they have not betrayed the popular interests of the nation, since a large portion of the working-class, engaged in manufactures, is inimical to commercial liberty, and therefore the allegation is false and calumnious. That a number of work men whose trade is especially protected, do dread the approach of any change which will bring them into more direct competition with the perseverance, skill, and energy of Englishmen, is correct, but not honourable to them, although complimentary to the Anglo Saxon race, who only ask for a "fair field, and no favour." These protected workmen are nothing more nor less than paupers, living on the tax wrung from the hard earned gains of the rest of the nation, and create much loss and more misery among their brethren by forcing them to purchase the worst articles, whereby they earn their sustenance, in the dearest market.

Aware, then, of the anomaly of its position, how puerile and baseless will appear the former cited arguments against free trade, even to the most rabid anti-Anglican citizen of France (if they be not directly interested in the maintenance of prohibitory tariffs), the National is anxious to assume a show of consistency; to reconcile, if possible, the former protestations with the present course of action, and to explain to subscribers why it is leagued with ancient foes; wherefore banded with those hitherto denounced in most unmeasured terms, as the greatest enemies of the nation and of humanity-the monopolists of trade and commerce. But to do this, it was quite unnecessary to strive to forget the honour of a former article, or to impute misrepresentation to those who believed its professions of sympathy with the people to be hollow, and the attack on free traders unprincipled and insidious.

In order to give the National a fair hearing, as well as to prevent further insinua tions of misstatement or misconception of its opinions and behaviour in this question, the writer-also, that his readers may judge for themselves as to the truth of the charge of hostility to the principles of free trade-lays before them an almost literal translation of that portion of the reply which is more particularly intended to be a vindication of its opposition to the natu

ralisation of free trade in France, and of its strictures on those who really wish well to France, and sincerely desire to see her take, if not the initiative, or lead, in the van and front of civilisation, at least to occupy & respectable position therein, one befitting her political, commercial, and intellectual rank among the nations of the earth.

"Let no one accuse us, then, of an inconsequence of which we are not guilty. Our political ideal-it is the map of Europe remade according to the wishes of the families of nations; it is the ultimate union of these families composing the united states of the old continent; a strong and sainted union, which the communion of ideas and of principles will cement, and of which free trade is the natural result and sanction. Thrice in France, since Henry IV, have the free exchange and circulation of agricultural and "industriel" productions been attempted-not in Europe, but in the territory of the kingdom. These attempts failed. The barriers which edicts sought to overthrow, fell not. The provinces struggled for their privileges, and all the force of the central power was wrecked by the local resistance. But why, if it was not because the French union was not yet constituted, neither by laws, manners, nor ideas? Interests are not sufficient to create a perfect union. Far from it; they are by their nature even, diverse, opposed, often hostile. But when the powerful hand of the revolution had remade the map of the interior (of France), effaced provinces, assimilated opinions; when the law was one, and equality appeared to be guaranteed against the abuse of liberty; then, there was no need to break down the barriers; they fell by themselves. Exchange was complete, circulation met with no obstacles, and the community of principle brought about the conciliation of interests.

"This example explains both our opinion on commercial liberty, and our distrust in those who have proclaimed rather obstinately, according to us, the impracticable application of a theory based alone on material interests."

The reader will perceive the National commences the defence by stating its political ideal to be "the map of Europe remade," or, in other words, a complete revo. lution; and those who know the true animus of the paper, how hyperbolically is concealed beneath the cloak of universal love of man, and anxious wishes for his advancement, as violent a desire of conquest and propagande as ever excited a Louis Quatorze or a Napoleon to the desolation of the Palatinate, or to wholesale sacrifice of human life amidst the steeps of Russia, which even now finds apologists or panegyrists among the quasi-liberals-will give such weight to this grandiloquent fustian as