compatible even with the existence, ftill lefs with the happiness, of focial intercourfe. As to the formation of political inftitutions, it will be evident that we cannot fubfcribe to the author's opinion, which favours too much of the modern mechanical fyftem of organization. It is a grofs radical error, which has contributed to deluge Europe in blood, and to deteriorate human nature, to fuppofe that political inftitutions are mere machines deftined to perform certain functions, and that thefe fulfilled their duties are accomplished. In fact, all political inftitutions, whether at their original formation, or during their progrefs in the courfe of time, owe their character almost entirely to the predominate virtues and vices of the people. Some countries are without laws to punish certain crimes, which it was conceived never would take place; others have laws authorizing the commiffion of acts at which nature now revolts, fuch as the indifcriminate murder of heretics at the crufades. Nevertheless, the efficiency or inefficiency of fuch inftitutions did not depend on the letter of the law, but on the 'feelings and principles of the people among whom they were adopted; and the progrefs of information on the one hand, and that of depravity on the other, rendered new regulations, according to the exigency of the times, indifpenfable. It is therefore evidently impoffible to legiflate for futurity; certain crimes vanish with the progrefs of fociety, others fpring up from the fame fource, and it muft ever reft with the exifting generation to take wife or foolish meafures for the general good. It is not, however, thence to be enforced, that every exifting political inftitution has attained its ultimate degree of perfection; but it is believed on the cleareft evidence, that whatever is truly expedient purfues its natural progrefs in the courfe of things, and previously obtains a very general reception without any pofitive law or inftitution, which fhould always be founded on what is, and not on what may or can be. The particular exceptions to this are foreign to our prefent inquiry.

The

The author lays down the following as a general propofition, which is ftill more untenable even in particular cafes. fears of exifting governments have contributed ftill more than popular prejudices to obftruct the courfe of political enquiry." This fuperficial affertion, the author muft excufe us for confidering as falfe and totally unfounded. What have the fears of even the weakeft governments done to obftruct the progress of political enquiry? We apprehend every unprejudiced and accurate obferver muft anfwer-nothing. But, to bring the point ftill clofer: it is true Paine's Rights of Man were profecuted, in this country, but certainly not for being a political enquiry, but for being a grofs libel on the exifting government. Yet what obftruction was given to the Inquiry into Political Juftice," which appeared feveral years later? What to the "Effays on Civilization," in which

Paine's worft notions are clothed in the moft claffical diction of any work in our language? Such an opinion can only be enter tained by thofe, who, according to the vulgar and pernicious prejudice, fuppofe the interefts of the governors diametrically oppofite to thofe of the governed, and confequently that a fpirit of perpetual warfare fhould be maintained in order to preferve them from abfolute defpotifm. The abfurdity and injurious tendency of fuch notions must be fufficiently evident to every reflecting perfon. We muft, however, obferve, in juftice to thofe inftitutions which the author feems to infinuate, according to his own elegant expreffion, "were formed in the dark and at random," that no obftruction has been, nor can be, given by the government in this country, to "political enquiry," political enquiry," as fuch. If the author has overlooked the felf-evident fact, we muft explain to him the real fource of obstruction, which, according to his mode of judging, is diametrically oppofite to the government. It was, in fact, neither the government, nor any thing elfe in its power, which occafioned an obftruction of political enquiry; it was the ungovernable paf fions and enthufiafm of the people, and of foi-difant philofophers, which totally difqualified them for all fober, difpaffionate difcuffion and rational inquiry. Thefe are the true and only causes of the temporary fufpenfion of political investigations; caufes which, we believe, no reasonable perfon will pretend originated in' the fears of any exifting government. The follies of political theorifts become contemptible in the eftimation of the judicious and reflecting members of fociety; and the ridiculous effufions of political book-manufacturers being no longer marketable, they funk into that oblivion which their worthleffnefs deferved. Yet political enquiry was never totally abandoned by men of real talents and honeft principles; and the fuccefs of the " Effay on Population" is a memorable proof that no other obftruction exifted than that which we have juft affigned, and which, had the author duly confidered, might have perhaps fpared him the trouble of writing the prefent volume. It is unneceffary that we fhould notice the

hideous mafs of evils which the author has afcribed to this imaginary caufe, which, we have fhewn, has no foundation in truth or the nature of things.

Mr. Macdiarmid opens his enquiry into the principles of fub ordination, by a definition of inequality. "The chief circumftance which gives rife to inequalities among mankind feems to be their unequal command over the means of gratification. He is accounted fuperior who has the greatest command over the means of gratification in any refpect, who can procure what is defirable in the completest manner, and with the greateft facility," This definition, although illuftrated in more than an hundred pages, is certainly very far from explaining, as it profeffes, the origin of inequalities, which are dependant on moral as well as phy

fical caufes. But if it were néceffary to confider moral caufes as influencing fubordination, it moft affuredly was not now neceffary to accumulate a multitude of common-place obfervations to prove that there is no fuch thing as phyfical equality among men, and that fuperiority is partial, not infinite. In a chapter entitled the "Diftinctions of Rank permanent," we are told that "the ranks which mankind occupy are wholly immutable," and that "the fcale of human fubordination muft remain invariable;" that is, the command over the means of gratification," according to the author's definition, muft remain invariable, a principle in which we apprehend very few of his readers will concur. The following fentence is a fpecimen of the opinions of those enlightened individuals, who, exalted above vulgar apprehenfions, generously condefcend to caft a contemptuous glance at the weaknefs of other mortals.

"The alarms into which mankind have at various times been thrown, left the various ranks in the fcale of fubordination should be confounded, and the violent measures which have been adopted to prevent fuch a cataftrophe, are, in a literal fenfe, on a footing with apprehenfions left two and two thould make five, and the adoption of ftrenuous precautions left a triangle fhould fwell out into a fquare."

Is this the language of experience and found philofophy? Have we not witneffed the rich made poor, the poor rich, and the wife goaded to defpair and even madnefs, and all by the deftruction of that scale of fubordination, which the author vainly endeavours to make us believe, contrary to reafon and the evidence of our fenfes, is immutable? Had he, indeed, founded his fcale of subordination on moral relations inftead of phyfical ones, the opinion might have been more defenfible; but it would be an idle wafte of words to controvert fuch crude puerilities. A few pages farther, he afks"How many public inftitutions of empires take it for granted that a man may be rendered wife and virtuous, capable of guiding the conduct of others, or of directing their efforts in various fkilled and complicated operations, merely by having the hand of another man laid on his head, by receiving a particular appellation, or being entitled to wear a particular drefs?" Mr. M. may think this queftion very pointed and philofophical; but, in reply, we would afk, cui bono? Such infidious ridicule is applicable to all kings, bishops, and others whofe official dignity may be conferred in this folemn manner; and is calculated only to degrade fuch offices, without furnishing the mind with any auxiliaries to virtuous action, were the power of fuch inftitutions either deftroyed or fufpended. But, as the author writes for Englifhmen, will he contend that this is the actual fpirit of any English inftitution, or that fubordination in this country refts on no other bafis? If not, we may venture to affert that his fword would have been much

better employed against the common enemy, than his pen in detailing the hacknied and exploded obfervations of half-informed Jacobins.

Let it not, however, be fuppofed that we object to all the author's fentiments. "The child at his birth may have no wealth whatever, no profpect of wealth beyond the neceffaries of life which it derives from the daily labour of its parents; or it may have the largest fortune in the empire already provided for it by inheritance." Very true; and fhould few readers be aftonithed at the fagacity of this remark, all must acknowledge its truth, and, what is no lefs important, its innocence. The fame may be applied to his obfervation, that if a "capitalift does not employ his property in a manner fufficient to procure a fund for occafional confumption, his wealth muft continually decreafe." Some people may think the introduction of fuch plain truths into an inquiry into the principles of fubordination, a little allied to the modern trade of book-making: to thofe, however, we recommend another obfervation. "Every one has obferved the fuccefs with which fome men veil their folly under the garb of wifdom; and, with the moft fuperficial talents, contrive to pafs, even among those who hear and fee them, for men of brilliant wit and profound knowledge." Yet the author feems, if there be any confiftency in his opinions, particularly adverfe to the idea of mental fuperiority, and after confining the mind of the poet to his verles, that of the mathematician to his numbers, that of the anatomist to his knife, and that of the chemift to his crucible, he obferves: "We confider a teacher of religion and morality as uncommonly well chofen if he has given indications of being a good maker of verfes, or folver of problems; and we look upon the momentous intercourfe of mighty kingdoms as well confided to his hands who has a peculiar talent at cajoling the ladies of a court." From this we should infer that the author is neither a poet, a mathematician, nor a courtier; but we must beg of him to make fome exceptions in future to his affertion," that when we hear of a man being a diftinguished general, a great statefman, and even a profound philofopher, we are difappointed if we do not find him tall, robuft, and ftately!" Romantic girls may have fuch feelings, but we are at a lofs to difcover the utility of libelling the underftandings of the people of England at the prefent day by fuch groundlefs and obfolete remarks. What Mr. M. fays of patronage, although not very confiftent with his immutability of fubordination, ftill lefs with an inquiry into principles, we fubmit to the judgment of our readers.

"But the teft of intereft by no means proceeds in general on grounds fo rational or probable. No ability in the judge to decide is required. The mathematician is received into an office at the recommendation of a perfon who is not, and who even does not pretend to be himself a mathe

matician; a perfon diftinguished folely by his wealth which he has ac quired by his skill in bartering wares, or even without any difplay of skill at all.

"Even candour is not required in the patron. It is accounted juftifiable in him to recommend thofe in whom he is led, by affection and profpects of private advantage, to overlook every difqualification. He is in many inftances entitled to hold up the office to the highest bidder.

"It is not, in many cafes, expected that the patron should even know any thing at all of the qualifications of the perfon he recommends. The intereft of the patron is often procured through a long chain of underpatrons, of whom perhaps only the one who forms the loweft link knows, or ever enquired any thing of the qualities, good or bad, of the individual recommended.

"An individual is often entrusted with fuch an extent of patronage that it is altogether out of his power to afcertain the qualifications of thofe whom he recommends to different offices. In the courfe of his lifetime he could have formed no juft eftimate of one-half the perfons he has appointed even to important offices,

"Such are the ufual regulations under which the qualifications of men are fubmitted to the teft of intereft. Will any one affirm that the throw of a die is not altogether as likely to difcover the truth?"

The author, however, is ftill more hoftile to the privileges of defcent, which he endeavours to depreciate by a number of futile phyfical obfervations, and wishes to appear very philofophical in defpifing all merits of parentage. This is an old practice with thofe who owe nothing to their ancestors, and as there is neither novelty nor originality in thefe obfervations, they are not worthy of farther confideration. Accuftomed as we are to confider men's characters as an effect of their education, and this as depending on, and proportioned to, their parentage, the experience of fociety has produced a virtuous and rational refpect for ancestry; and thofe who have fortunately afcended beyond their own juft claims to its prerogatives, would difcover much more wisdom and virtue by humbly endeavouring to tranfmit their acquired honours to their pofterity, than by vainly attempting to controvert a principle inherent in the very nature of fociety.

In the whole of the first part, which treats of " Subordination arifing from Natural Caufes," the author has confounded moral with phyfical, and natural with artificial caufes, and has taken much unneceffary trouble to prove what no perfon ever thought of denying, namely, that there is a difference between the office. and the perfon who occupies it, between a king and his kingdom he contends, however, that the office is immutable, although its occupiers are inceffantly changing, and inflances, as a proof of this pofition, the permanency of the mayoralty of London!

The fecond part of this inquiry treats of " the Effects of Natural Subordination on the Happinefs of Society," and commences with the following poftulatum: "The happiness of an individual is