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may possibly check the wholesome ope"rations of commerce, should feel that "they are interested in adopting it-should "feel that they are bound to imbibe that

" prove to our German brethren, that "though separated by the ocean, our hearts "throb and our blood boils in common "with theirs, when we think of the ty

ranny to which they have been subject66 ed.". -If I differ very materially in opinion with His Royal Highness, I do not fail to give him full credit for the most benevolent intentions; and, I particularly applaud the candour of his acknowledgment, that the first League against the French had for its object "the complete "dismemberment, or annihilation, of that

that I know of, has never before been distinctly made by any one who ever approved of the war against the French Democracy.

"to have been increased in proportion to "tide of conquest has at length been re"the power and violence of the enemy; "sisted on the Continent; thanks more "particularly to the gallantry of the Rus-" but I repeat, I wish the principle of the "Meeting to be as general as possible. I "sian people, and to the wise and magna"nimous individual who now directs their" wish it to be so general that every society "energies. Humane and moderate as he" of merchants in Spain, Portugal, or any "other country where the French conquest "is spirited and politic, he has by his "manifestoes endeavoured to arouse every "German to combat in a cause which he "has guaranteed his own; he has called on him, as a friend and brother, to assist "in stemming the flood that had nearly" spirit by which we are now about to "overwhelmed his native land, and in "driving within their proper precincts the "haughty people whose tumultuous pas"sions had created it. I trust the Ger"man is not to be found who is dead to "such a summons-a summons by which "he is called on to combat for the sacred purpose of obtaining all that can be dear "to a people-security for their properties, "their lives, and, far dearer than either "of these, their liberty and their honour. "(Loud applause. To facilitate the ex"ertions of a people struggling in such a "cause, is the object of the present Meet-"nation;" an acknowledgment, which, "ing-to supply such means of repelling ❝ unjust aggression, as the misfortunes and "too long protracted oppression of those "who are chiefly interested in repelling it, "have put it out of their power to obtain "by any effort of their own. In justice to "the Government I have to observe, that "they have not manifested any reluctance "to give their assistance for the further"ance of the objects which we are now "met to promote; but it was impossible "they should foresee the events which have "called for more ample support than they "can possibly furnish on the spur of the ❝ occasion. When I see the persons com"posing the Government inclined to per"form their duty, I am always anxious "not to withhold from them such meed as "my approbation can convey. (Applause.) "I must now observe, that I wish the views of the present Meeting to embrace as extensive a field as is possible. doubtedly there are very forcible reasons why I myself should be actuated by feelings more directed to a certain point. "I am a Member of the House of Hanover, * I am a Prince of the German Empire, and it may be naturally supposed that I am particularly anxious to resist with effect that power resistance to which I warmly counselled in the great Assembly ❝ of the German Princes, which took place in the year 1792; resistance which I * have ever since continued to think ought

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It is not a little curious to observe, how completely our objects have changed since the outset of the war in 1793. We were then afraid of nothing but the wild spirit of Democracy. We then cried "

66

war,

war against republicans and levellers ;" the terms liberty, sovereign people, citizen, and patriot, were used by us as terms of reproach. But, we are now become abhorrers of tyranny, slavery, despotism. We have now got over to the liberty side of the dispute; and are subscribing away as heartily against the Emperor of France as we formerly did against the Jacobins and Sans-culottes of France. His Royal Highness says, that he apprehended "uni"versal destruction" from the principles of the French revolution.I should be Un-happy to be informed what is His Royal Highness's notion of "universal destruc"tion." It is a phrase of very large meaning. But, at the least, it must mean nothing short of the killing of all the people and the destroying of all other animals and all property in Europe. And why, let me be permitted to ask; why make use of phrases so very hyperbolical? French revolution had its full swing; it was never arrested in its progress by any And, did it prove so external power. The truth is, that, very destroying?

The

though attended with frightful crimes and country by the French. What they were with dreadful misery for a while, it de- then doing it is not for me to say; but, I stroyed very little of what was good. But, am very much afraid, that we may be in the people, in all countries, are, for the too great haste to confide in men, who have far greater part, led away by sounds. If once, without firing hardly a shot, laid they were not, we should never have seen down their arms to that very same enemy the people of England subscribing their who is now marching against them.pound notes in order to purchase their pre- The conquered part of Germany contains a servation against the "devouring lava," population equal to that of France. To as Pitt called it, of the French revolution. what, then, are we to attribute its having If they had taken time to reflect, they been so easily conquered? The Royal Duke would, in but a few hours, have been well brings back our minds to the period when convinced, that the French Democrats the combined armies were driven out of could not destroy them if they would, and France; to that period when, he tells us, that they would not if they could; and the French capital trembled at their apthat, when they heard the words "univer-proach. In this his Royal Highness is only "sal destruction" applied to the object of deceived. The French capital never tremthe efforts of the French Democrats, they bled. The combined armies were driven ought to understand it in a very limited out of France by the people. It was one sense indeed, it being, upon any other heart and one arm of 26 millions of people scale, utterly impossible. But, if the that drove them out of France. But, be Royal Duke was so alarmed at the "wide- this as it may, how could that one defeat of "spreading plague of Democracy," one the allies cause the conquest of Germany, would think, that he must entertain feel- and her subjection from that day to this? ings of gratitude towards Buonaparté, who Suppose the French to have sent forth a milhas so completely put down the democratic lion of men, Germany had her millions to spirit and principles. We are a difficult oppose to them; and, if the German nation people to please. As long as the French are naturally brave, as I do not deny they talked about liberty and patriotism, we are, must there not have been something used those words in the way of ridicule besides mere physical force to work the conand reproach. Now they have dropped quest of Germany? How, then, can it be the use of them, we have taken it up, and said, that, from 1793 until this day, "no talk as boldly about liberty as our ancestors used to do, who never dreamt of what we now see and feel. But, I am yet to learn, what we now mean by the word patriot; by the term "German Patriots."" Patriots" now in motion; what, then, I A patriot is a man, who ardently loves his country, and is not confined to those who are attached to any particular set of rulers. I should, for my part, be very slow to give the name of patriot to a man in Germany merely because he had inlisted under the banners of Russia, or any other banners opposed to France, I must first be convinced, that he has taken the side which he thinks favourable to the cause of freedom; I mean the freedom of the people; for, it is very likely, that, in some cases, a country may be conquered, and the people become not at all the less free on that account. I know not what sort of changes the French have made in the government of the conquered parts of Germany; and, therefore, I am unable to decide upon the degree of merit in those who have now risen against them; but, I cannot but know very well, that all these Dicents #hom we have now disconquest of their

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opportunity has been afforded to Germany "to shake off the degrading yoke ?". There have always been about 30 millions of people in this same Germany, including the

should like to know, have all these people and all these patriots been doing and thinking about for so long a period? Is not this the plain truth: that these patriots have been put into activity, if not created, by the appearance of a Russian army amongst them and by the retreat of the French armies? And, if this be the case, ought we not to be cautions how we put any great confidence in the exertions of these same "patriots"

When His Royal Highness talks about the French enslaving the sons of Germany, he surely does not well weigh the weight of his words. His zeal surely carries him on beyond the proper bounds. He will excuse me, who never before heard much of German liberty, in these latter ages, if I do not see how it is possible for the French army, or any other but a native army, to enslave 30 millions of people. It is easy to talk of subjecting such a nation to tyranny; but not so very easy to shew how the thing can, by any possibility, be done. Against

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their will such a nation was never yet enslaved by an invading army. The thing is impossible, especially when we consider, that Germany had an army equal in number to that of France. For these reasons my hopes from the exertions of the "German "Patriots" are far less sanguine than those of his Royal Highness appear to be.As to the opinion, that our prospect of extricating ourselves from the war with advantage and honour, is "now better than 66 ever," I am obliged to differ very widely from his Royal Highness. There have been Several periods, when the prospect was much better, in my humble opinion, than it is now. The end of this campaign will tell us what is to be the fate of the North of Germany; but, of what consequence is that part of Europe, compared with Holland, Naples, and all Italy? The battle will now, perhaps, be better fought than before; but, if victory decide against us, we shall be plunged into despair. The same enthusiasm does not, perhaps, accompany the French armies now that formerly accompanied them; but, on the other side, what enthusiasm can there be? "Security "for their properties and lives," the Duke of Sussex says will now animate the Germans; but, why now more than heretofore? These again are mere words. Neither property nor lives were in danger under the French. It was impossible, generally speaking, that they should be; for, if that had been the case, the conquered countries could not have been held a day. It is the interest of a conqueror to make the people contented under his sway. Indeed, he is, if the country be extensive, compelled to do it. There will be some malecontents; because, in cases of conquest, property and power do always, in some degree, change hands; but, the mass of the people must, in all such cases, be conciliated; and this is the true reason why, until now, we have heard nothing of the "German Patriots." To keep in subjection a whole people; a nation of many millions; to hold such a people in subjection by the mere military force of a foreign power is impossible. It cannot be done. If a whole people, including the native army, feel their properties and lives in constant hazard, is it to be believed, that they will wait for another Foreign army before they attempt to throw off the yoke? The fact, I dare say, is, that the persons, who were interested in the existence of the old governments of Germany, and who, of course, wished for their reestablishment, have, upon the appearance

-However, there

of a Russian army amongst them, openly shown themselves. But, those who have acted from this motive, will, in all likelihood, become inactive from a similar mo❤ tive; and, the French will, I dare say, be hailed, if they beat the Russians, with as much apparent joy as the Russians have re cently been received.is not, as far as I can see, any harm in these subscriptions. They are far preferable to new taxes to raise money for the "German Patriots." This is, indeed, the proper way of raising money for the Northern War. People give what they like, and there is this great advantage in this mode of raising the ways and means, that the amount of the sum raised is the true measure of the national feeling in favour of the cause.

AMERICAN WARThe continual disgrace of the American arms in Canada would be intolerable in the States, were it not so far outweighed by the success of their navy. Upon this latter subject I have received many communications, containing complaints against the Admiralty. I must confess, that I do not see the reasonableness of these complaints, No man has pointed out how the Admiralty could have prevented what has happened. That they could not, in a few months, build ships of the precise dimensions of the American ships is certain. They could only send out such ships as they had; and, that the cause of our defeats has not been the want of hands on board, the capture of the Java fully proves. -It has been asserted, in the most positive terms, that two-thirds of the seamen of the American ships of war, and especially of the Constitution, consist of British seamen. There is no such fact stated officially, and I am glad of it; for, to me, it would be a melancholy thing to reflect, that so many hundreds of our countrymen had joined the enemy at the risk, if taken, of being hung up, cut down before dead, having their bowels ripped out while yet alive, having their heads chopped off, and their four quarters cut from their smoking bodies. To suppose that many hundreds of our countrymen have joined the enemy with the terrors of such a punishment before them is something so shocking, that I wonder how any one can coolly entertain it; what, then, must be our wonder at hearing that there are people to assert the fact, and that, too, in print! For my part, though I feel the disgrace of our navy as strongly as any one can, I prefer giving to the enemy superior skill, and even superior courage, to the as

alone. So that, in fact, Mr. Brougham, certainly without intending it, did harm to those manufacturers, whose cause he so zealously and so ably espoused.The Morning Chronicle had, the other day, a paragraph in words similar to these:"The

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"government paper,) has long extracts " from COBBETT'S REGISTER, which it cites "with great applause, instead of that coarse abuse which it formerly heaped upon the same publication."My mind has been put to the torture to guess at the real object of this observation. I do not see any thing wrong in this American paper having changed its manner and tone and sentiments with regard to articles of my humble production. I see no sin in it. And, as to myself, what can I wish for more than to see approved of in America my sincere and zealous efforts to preserve peace between the two countries? The whole of my endeavours, as connected with the subject of the American dispute, have had this simple object, and could not have any other ob

cribing of his success to the treason of so many hundreds of my own countrymen. To one of the three causes, however, his success must be ascribed; for, as to the difference in the weight of metal, it is not sufficient to account for such uniform and signal success on the part of the Americans." National Intelligencer (the American They are excellent seamen. Probably the very best in the world. Their ships are few in number. Their men are select; they are all able and fresh; and they are" urged on by every motive that has a powerful effect in producing a disregard of life. Their officers are chosen for their great merit alone. The government, in its selection, is hampered by no interests, no consideration other than that of rendering the ships efficient; and thus, there is no sort of drawback to the native courage of the crews. -It is stated, that the American government have begun the construction of 26 inore frigates, and that the several States have made offers of 74 gun ships, one each; so that, if this unhappy contest be prolonged, there is, I think, a fair chance of our seeing a very formidable naval enemy inject; and, though my endeavours have the new world. This is what I expressed my fears of in my first and second letters to the Prince Regent upon the subject of this war. The longer the war continues the more certain is the realizing of my fears on this score. The navy of America must increase with the war; and, if it arrive at a tolerable force, we shall then begin to repent of our folly. I know, that this is very unpopular language. The country has taken up the idea, that the Americans, without any provocation, have basely joined the French in the war against us. The newspapers have propagated this notion, and it is in vain to endeavour to remove it. Time and experience, disgrace and suffering must open the people's eyes.I shall, however, always say, that the Whigs and Mr. Brougham have had a principal hand in producing this war with America. Mr. Brougham had his Orders in Council to demolish. It was for him to make them every thing, especially when he had, by his great industry and eloquence, succeeded. Therefore, when told, by Mr. Rose, that the repeal of the Orders would not prevent war, he, full of his achievement, pledged him- "We participate with our fellow-subself to support a war against America if thejects (the Citizens of London) in sentirepeal did not satisfy her.He did this, ments of undiminished esteem for your and so did Mr. Ponsonby, with my caution Royal Highness, and of just indignation at before their eyes, I had told them before, the foul conspiracy, which, it is now ap that the repeal would not do without the parent, has been long carrying on against giving up the impressment. And, we are your Royal Highness's honour and life. now at war for this latter, and for that We admire the patience, forbearance, and

proved unsuccessful, I see no reason why the Morning Chronicle should grudge me a small pittance of praise.If my advice had been followed, British naval prowess would still have been without a rival. The names of Hull, and Decatur, and Bainbridge would still have been unknown. I did not wish to see this navy raised up, and I endeavoured to prevent the occasion for it. If the Morning Chronicle had done the same, it might have had its share of the praise of the National Intelligencer.

WM. COBBETT.

Botley, 6th May, 1813.

PRINCESS OF WALES. WESTMINSTER ADDRESS AND ANSWER. "To Her Royal Highness the Princess of

Wales.

"We, the Inhabitant Householders of the City and Liberties of Westminster, legally assembled, beg leave to approach your Royal Highness with an affectionate Address,

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resignation, with which your Royal Highness has submitted, for so long a time, to neglect and reproach as humiliating as undeserved, even to the very verge of acquiescence in calumnies the most foul, scandalous, and false. Your Royal Highness was compelled at length to vindicate your own honour, involving that of your Royal Daughter, our future Sovereign. And we congratulate your Royal Highness on the magnanimity and wisdom which prompted you to demand, in the face of the Nation, from the two Houses of Parliament, that justice to which the most humble is entitled, "either to be proved guilty or treated as innocent."

portant occasions, the sentiments of Westminster are in unison with those of the whole country.

"We are firmly of opinion that those who advised the separation of a beloved and affectionate daughter from such a mother, had any thing in view rather than the good of the illustrious object of your Royal Highness's warmest and best affections, or of the country over which she is destined to rule.

"But we are unable to express our grief and astonishment, at the cruelty, injustice, and insolence, with which your Royal Highness's Appeal was withheld from -s, or at the cold and re

"Permit me to add, that there can be no doubt that the refusal of Parliament to entertain the question, only originated in a conviction that my innocence stood above all suspicion, and an apprehension that Parliamentary interference might delay the restoration to my daughter's society, so universally desired."

COMMON COUNCIL OF LONDON ADDRESS
AND ANSWER.

The Lord Mayor, Aldermen, and Com-
mon Council, presented their Congratula-
tory Address to the Princess of Wales,
upon Her Royal Highness's complete and
happy triumph over the late foul and atro-
cious conspiracy against her life and ho-
nour. They left Guildhall a little before
twelve o'clock, and proceeded through
Fleet-street, the Strand, Pall-mall, St.
James's-street, and Piccadilly, to Kensing-
ton Palace. In Pall-mall the populace
gave several cheers when they came oppo-
site Carlton-house.
The Lord Mayor,
Recorder, Sheriffs, Town Clerk, City
Remembrancer, Chamberlain, and Law
Officers, attended. We also noticed the
following Aldermen :-Ald. Combe, Tho-
mas Smith, John Joseph Smith, Domville,
Wood, Goodbehere, Heygate, and an un-
usually large attendance of the Members of
the Common Council. Mr. Waithman,
the Mover of the Address, accompanied
Mr. Alderman Thomas Smith. The pro-
cession arrived at Kensington a little before
two. The Address was read by Mr. Re-
corder. The Princess delivered her an-
swer with great dignity and feeling. The
Lord Mayor, Recorder, and Aldermen,
kissed hands, after which Mr. Waithman
was introduced, when Her Royal High-

luctant reception it met with from a Majority of the House of Commons; and we assure your Royal Highness, that upon this, as upon most other occasions, the sentiments of that Majority are no ways in conformity with those of the people; and we flatter ourselves your Royal Highness will not, from so inadequate a criterion, estimate the feelings of a loyal and generous nation. We ardently hope the treatment your Royal Highness has received will deeply imprint on the mind of every thinking man, this great, this indisputable truth-that without an honest House of Commons, justice can no more be ensured to the highest than to the lowest in-ness, in a clear and distinct manner, dividual in the land.

so as to be audible to all present said, "We assure your Royal Highness, that "I am very glad to see you; I feel regard for our Country, as well as for that highly grateful for the interest you have deference we bear your Royal Highness, taken in my honour and happiness; I will make us ready at all times to give am sure, neither I nor my daughter will your Royal Highness proof of our attach-ever forget it." All the Members of the ment and devotion, and of our anxious solitude for your welfare, happiness, and honour. "(Signed) ARTHUR MORRIS, High Bailiff."

Answer of Her Royal Highness.

"I return you my sincere thanks for the regard towards me so kindly expressed in this Address. Upon this as on other im

Court had the honour of kissing her Royal Highness's hand. Her Royal Highness afterwards conversed with Mr. Alderman Wood, Mr. Alderman Heygate, Mr. Waithman, and Mr. Favell; she observed, "that she felt very much agitated at first; but I hope you will make great allowance for my situation, and my not speaking the language perfectly." The procession re

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