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perceived it, we may be quite sure, that "power to the meritorious, persecuted, and
they would have taken good care to prevent" illustrious object of it. The long and
the cause of our present regret. To the cruel suffering she has undergone, the
Westminster Meeting, SIR FRANCIS BUR-
many estimable qualities she has display-
DETT, who, it appears, was unable to at- "ed throughout, and the destitute and for-
tend from ill-health, sent a Leller, to apo- "lorn condition in which, notwithstanding
logize for his absence, and also to express her now universally acknowledged me-
his sentiments upon the subject before the "rits, she is left, having lost her father not
Meeting.- This Letter I must also place" long since, and her mother still more re-
upon record amongst the proofs of the na "cently; the King, to whom alone she
tion's opinion with regard to this memora- looked for justice in this country, de-
ble affair.Let those, who are unhappy" prived of his mental faculties, and that
at seeing all this stir, blame for it, not the the cup of affliction might be full, the
persons who make the stir, not the person" mind of His Royal Highness the Prince,
who is the subject of it; but let them blame" her husband, poisoned against her; and
those who were the CAUSE: let them" can it be possible that there are men, and
blame the base and detestable conspirators, even good men, who think this a cause
be their rank in life what it may. -Sir" unbecoming the people of England to
Francis most excellently well points out the" espouse? one in which they ought not to
inconsistency and folly of those who pre-interfere, and in which they have nothing
tend, that this is a matter with which the " to do? Is it not curious to observe, that
people have nothing to do. But his Letter," those persons whose sensibility was so
when we have read it, will call for some- "alive to the misfortunes of the Queen of
thing further in the way of comment. It
was in the following words:

France, who thought all England and all "the world should draw the sword-to "avenge her injuries, have no sensibility "PICCADILLY, APRIL 15, 1813. "alive, no commiseration awake, to the 4 GENTLEMEN,I am exceedingly mor- " injuries of the innocent and calumniated "tified at my inability, through illness, to "Princess of Wales? What, in fact, has "attend the Meeting of the inhabitants of been proved with respect to Her Royal "the City and Liberties of Westminster," Highness? that Her Royal Highness is "convened on this important occasion," full of condescension and kindness, and both because it is my duty, and because," of a most benevolent mind! that her that which rarely accompanies my duty" charity is not of the vulgar, casual, and in other places, pleasure and satisfaction," eleemosynary stamp, but a well regulated would have accompanied me on this." principle, uniform and alive! that Her "Gentlemen, there never was an occasion" Royal Highness takes the trouble to think which appeared to me more calculated to "how her charity can be applied most becall forth those manly feelings, and that "neficially for its object and for society! "love of justice, for which the people of" nor could benevolence, united with wis"this country have been ever remarkable." doin, direct a course more admirably "To protect the oppressed, and to prove to "adapted to these enlarged views, than the our future Sovereign the interest we take one which Her Royal Highness is proved " in what so nearly concerns her, is a mea- to have adopted. The well-considered "sure creditable in itself, and founded no "objects of Her Royal Highness's charity "less in policy than in humanity and jus-" are the children of poor but honest pa"tice. With respect to the importance of "rents; these Her Royal Highness not only "maintaining that great bond of society," maintains, but educates; not only edu"justice, no difference of opinion can be cates, but places in useful and creditable "entertained, and as little, I should think,"callings; nor even then does the superinof the violation of all its fundamental" tending, ever active and enlightened be"principles and maxims in the person of "nevolence of Her Royal Highness cease; "Her Royal Highness the Princess of" but the little influence Her Royal High"Wales a Lady eminent in rank, eminentness possesses is ever ready to exert itself "in virtue, but super-eminent in misfor- "for their fair advancement according to "tune; and, I trust, our opinions will be

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as unanimous of the propriety and im"portance of this Meeting, as our deter"mination will be, to shew every mark of respect, and afford every support in our

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their merits; and the nation has only to regret, that this influence is not as extensive as the benevolence which directs it. "These Her Royal Highness's virtues have "not been displayed by ostentatious hypo

"crisy, or the modern pharisaical cant of "those who ever stand praying in public "places; no, nor by any friend or well"wisher to Her Royal Highness; but by "her enemies-by those who, like Balaam, "when sent for by Balak to curse, was "compelled to bless, and was thus re"proached: "Lo, I sent for thee to curse "mine enemies, and behold thou hast "blessed them altogether." Thus have "Her Royal Highness's enemies dispelled "the foul vapours engendered by their own "malice, and thrown a sunshine upon "those virtues which would, but for them, "have continued to flourish in the shade,

fidelity that the world had ever beheld. Indeed, her warmest friends did not scruple to confess, that her conduct was not unexceptionable; and, her extravagance, her waste of the public money, and other acts offensive to the public, were loudly talked of on all sides. Yet, did all the aristocracy and the clergy in this country rise, as it were, in an insurrection of indignation at the ill-treatment she received. It puzzled John Bull, who, though a great thinker, is not very deep-sighted: it puzzled John's pate to find out, why they should trouble their heads so much about a Queen of France. Be that as it may, we cannot now "And that should teach us; fail to observe, that neither the aristocracy. "There is a Divinity that shapes our ends, nor the clergy move an inch in the way of "Rough hew them how we will." resenting the treatment of the Princess of "Their blind and indiscreet malice seem Wales. I think this conduct of the clergy "literally to have considered " her virtues worthy of particular notice. Upon the ""as sanctified and holy traitors to her," death of Perceval, they did not fail (espe"and preposterously imagined that Divine cially in the diocese of Salisbury, I remem"charity, which in others covers a multi-ber) to come forward with Addresses in a "tude of sins, could be by falsehood per- most heroic strain. They could feel and "verted into the means of covering Her express indignation and abhorrence un"Royal Highness's innocence, magnani- bounded at the killing of that minister; "mity, and virtue, with the appearance but, how quiet they are now! How still! "and confusion of guilt.-Gentlemen, How placid and smooth they are! They "the treatment Her Royal Highness has do not wish to agitate the public mind. "received, owing, no doubt, to the ear of Agitate the public mind, reverend Sirs, "His Royal Highness the Prince, her hus- what do you mean by that? Would it "band, having been abused, the severity of agitate the public mind more for you to cry "Her Royal Highness's lot-a woman, a out against perjury and subornation, than it "Princess, and a stranger in a foreign did when you cried out against murder? "land, is of itself more than sufficient to Would you agitate the public mind any "inlist every generous feeling, every Eng- more by addressing the Prince upon the "lishman's feeling, in anxiety for Her subject of infamous attempts against the life "Royal Highness's welfare, and gives Her and honour of his own wife, than you did "Royal Highness a natural and irresistible in addressing him upon the subject of the "claim to the protection of every honour-shot that killed his minister? Why, reve"able mind.-Gentlemen, unable as I am rend Sirs, should an Address from you in "to have the honour of attending this support of injured innocence, agitate the 66 Meeting, I think it due to the respect I public mind? One would think, that this, "bear you, thus shortly to lay before you above all others, was a subject upon which "my plain, undisguised sentiments on this the Clergy would come forward.And, singular and important occasion. what can be the cause of their not doing it? "I have the honour to subscribe myself, They are said to have very fine noses; but, your most devoted very humble servant, surely, they cannot have smelt out any thing offensive in such a proceeding on their part! They cannot but be well assured, that His Royal Highness, the Regent, must fe.1 greatly gratified by every testimonial of the innocence of the Princess, his spouse. And, as to the ministry, it is the very same set who declared her honourable acquittal in April, 1807. They may, indeed, be called her ministry; for she was manifestly the principal cause of their first getting posses sion of power; and, for which the Whig faction love her as the Devil is said to love

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"FRANCIS BURDETT."

Certainly, it is curious indeed, to perceive those completely dumb; nay, at best dumb, and generally openly hostile to all steps in defence of the Princess of Wales; those very persons, who were so loud, so clamorous for war, because the republicans of France were ill-treating the Queen of that country.- It was not pretended that Marie Antoinette was, though living with her husband, the best model of conjugal

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love of him in the people; while, in almost the same breath, these same men will tell you, that the people have no business to meddle with the family affairs of the Prince and the Princess. Just as if the King's do

a husband, were not also an affair of family! Yes, but these we are permitted to meddle with; we are permitted to praise these, and even to consider them as a compensation to us for the misfortunes of the reign; for the loss of America, and for a Debt of countless millions. But, if we should descry, in any quarter, upon any occasion, qualities of a rather opposite kind, in any branch of the Royal Family, we are by no means, I suppose, to open our lips upon the subject.

water that has passed under the sanctified the censorship of the public. It is curipaws of a priest. -What, then, can pos- ous enough to hear men talk about the dosibly keep the Clergy back upon this occa-mestic virtues of the King, as a ground for sion? An occasion when they might gratify both Prince and Ministry in the highest degree, and might, at the same time, give encouragement to virtue, and anathematize perjury, subornation, and all the base and black arts of the most cowardly and execra-mestic virtues, the qualities as a father and ble conspiracy that ever was heard of in the world.- What can keep them back? What have their fine noses smelt out? Do they suspect, that they should displease any body, whom it is their interest to please? However, be this as it may, they have not yet come forward; and, if they do not, they shall hear of it, upon proper occasions, as long as I hold a pen to write for the pubJic perusal.I am decidedly of opinion with SIR FRANCIS (whose present Letter, at any rate, can hardly have been written by MR. HORNE TOOKE!); I agree with him decidedly, that policy as well as justice call for these movements on the part of the people.--In the first place, there is a right to exercise, and the exercise of a political right is, ninety-nine times out of a hundred, a good of itself. It becomes the people to let the Prince, to let his ministers, to let the aristocracy and the Clergy see that they (the people) have not forgotten, that they have rights. If the people were to be kept silent, at this time, by being told, that they have no business with the matter, why not keep them silent another time upon the same ground? It is a family affair; and so was the marriage of the Prince, and so was the birth of the Princess; and yet court sycophants could see nothing improper in Addresses upon those occasions.-The object of an Address now is to applaud the conduct of the Princess, and to reprobate her base enemies. Justice, bare justice, skin-flint justice, demands this; but, it is also demanded by policy; for, it is of great consequence, that the people should cause it to be kept fresh in the minds of all the branches of the Royal Family, that the former have a right, at all times, when they deem it proper, to express, in this solemn manner, their opinions and their wishes as to the conduct or treatment of the latter. The Royal Family are amenable to no law as other people are. They are not exempted, indeed, by the letter of the law; but, it is impossible, in practice, to subject them, in all cases, to common rules; nor would it be desirable to do it. There is, therefore, the greater necessity that they should feel themselves continually liable to

This is too degrading; one cannot bear the thought of this; and, the people do very right in showing, that they know how and when to exercise the only right, that, in such cases, they have. I made the remark before, but I will not deny myself the pleasure of making it again: that the persons, who have appeared most prominent in doing justice to the Princess of Wales, are those who have been denominated Jacobins; those who have been as cused of being enemies of the Royal Family; enemies of all law, government, and order; men who wished for universal confusion and a consequent scramble for property. If this were true with regard to Sir Francis Burdett, whom the vile hired news-papers have put at the head of this desperate set of men, he must have a very high opinion of his powers at scrambling; for, unless he saw himself in this light, he could hardly hope to gain by a scramble. Mr. WHITBREAD, too, who has been put pretty nearly upon the same level, must scramble hard to get back again what would slip out of his hands by universal confusion.However, be this as it may, it does so happen, that those, who have been thus stigmatized by the tools of corruption, have been the most forward, and, indeed, have been the only persons, who have appeared at all in support of the Princess of Wales. Mr. COCHRANE JOHNSTONE has not till now been much known in politics, and has, therefore, not been honoured much with the abuse of the tools of corruption; but, Sir Francis Burdett, Mr. Whitbread, Mr. Alderman Wood, Mr. Thompson, Major Cartwright, Mr. Wishart, Mr. Harris, have all been long numbered amongst the men of despe«

Wales received the Citizens of London; when she saw, and when her Daughter read of, the procession of the citizens to Kensington Palace; and when they heard or read of the shouts of applause which accompanied that heart-cheering ceremony; they would then, undoubtedly, contrast this with the silence in other quarters; and, I much question if either of them would have been so much gratified by a joint Address of all the privileged orders put together; I much question whether they would exchange this testimonial for any other that could have been given.We have known of Addresses before; thousands of Addresses have been presented to kings, queens, princes, and princesses,

rate politics; nor do I believe, that I shall be thought to arrogate too much to myself, if I take it for granted, that the tools of corruption have done me the honour to put me, however low down, in the same list. Now, then, let the nation observe, and bear well in mind, that it is this "desperate "faction" who have appeared alone to do public justice to the Princess of Wales. The whole nation have declared her to be an innocent and most injured woman; the whole nation have felt her wrongs, and have also felt that she merited support; never was there any person, whose case called forth so universal a wish in favour of the oppressed. How comes it, then, that the Jacobins" only should have really made any movement, any public demon-upon various occasions; some on marstration in her favour? The truth is this: the "Jacobins," as they are insultingly called, have no views but such as are consonant with public liberty; with justice; with the support of the rights of the people and of the throne. They are under no corrupt influence; they are not goaded on by the hopes of gain, or, held in check by the fear of losing a share of the public money. They seek for no places, pensions, contracts, or any other thing for their own emolument; and they possess none of either.

Having, therefore, nothing to hope for, nothing to lose, nothing to fear for themselves, they are under no influence, in such a case, but that of their reason and their sense of justice; and this being the case, they have stepped forward to speak their sentiments freely; they have stepped forward to give utterance to the national feeling.Is it too much, then, for us to hope, that those persons, those men who are really good and disinterested, but who have been misled by the calumnies of the tools of corruption, will now, upon perceiving that it has been reserved for the Parliamentary Reformers to act this honourable part, a part so necessary to the fair reputation of the country; is it too much to hope, that good men, thus misled, will now hesitate before they give their further countenance to these calumnies? Is it too much to hope, that they will now begin to think, that the Parliamentary Reformers are not the men who have no sense of law and justice? The Princess of Wales, and also the Princess Charlotte, will, too, now be able to form an estimate of the real character of the different descriptions of politicians. They will be able to judge of the value of the people's good opinion. When the Princess af

riages, some on births, some on recoveries from dangerous disorders, and some on escapes from attempts at assassination; but, did any man living ever before hear of an Address, an Address of loyally and affec tion, escorted by hundreds of thousands of the people, and the mover of it, in approbation of his conduct, drawn in his carriage for many miles by the people themselves? When, I ask, was such a thing heard of before? And, must it not be a little mortifying to our calumniators to be obliged to acknowledge, that this address, this loyal and affectionate" Address, the "noble sentiments" of which even the Morning Post has been compelled to applaud, was brought forward by, was the work of, was begun and carried into execution through the sole agency of, those who have been called Jacobins and Levellers? If this fact be lost upon the obdurate tools of corruption, it will not, I am convinced, be lost upon the Princess of Wales and upon her Daughter, our future sovereign. They will see, that, after all, it is the people on whom alone any safe reliance can be placed. They will see, that real loyalty is the associate of an attachment to popular rights; and that those who are the friends of the people are also the best friends of the throne.They will not, I am sure, forget the conduct of the two great political factions upon this occasion. Not a word, in the way of support, has the Princess received from either of them. How they have acted towards her she need not be told; what they have done in her case she well knows; and, indeed, she will want no one to remind her of what they have now left undone.It will appear strange to posterity; and, indeed, it does now strike every

one with great force, that, while her Let- | cophant will ever be able to remove it from ter, that excellent Letter which she ad- her mind. Her love for her mother; the dressed to the two houses of parliament, joy, the exultation, which she must exthrough the Lord Chancellor and the Speak-perience, at these spontaneous, these uner; while that Letter lies wholly unno- purchased, these unfeigned, movements on ticed by the two Houses, the people have the part of the people, must implant in taken up the matter, publicly and constitu- her heart feelings of gratitude towards tionally discussed it, and pronounced their them. She will now, I dare say, see decisión, in the most decided and most re-them in a light in which she never before -She will, herein see, saw them. Those notions of contempt for gular manner. and her Daughter will also see, the value the people, which court sycophants are but too apt to inculcate, she will now be in of the people's rights; they will reflect on the awkward state in which Her Royal much less danger of imbibing. She has Highness the Princess of Wales, would had a striking proof of the great impor even now have been, if the people, accord- tance of the people, of the great weight of ing to the wish of the enemies of liberty, public opinion; and, I trust, that it had been possessed of no rights. She will will, through her whole life, serve. to see, that the eyes, not only of this nation, guard her against the insidious counsels of but of the world, were fixed upon her. those, who would teach her, that the Her case was become as notorious as any people are nothing; that they have no great question between nations; and, if rights that are of any use, and that they the English people, whose love of justice ought always to be an object of Royal jeaand fair-play is their best characteristic, lousy.had remained silent; if they had taken no notice of her treatment; if they had shunned her cause, what would have been the conclusion of the world? The documents were, indeed, all published; her iunocence was clear to all those who had the means of reading these documents; her cause had been espoused by public writers; but, with the silence of parliament upon her remonstrance; and with a people silently looking on; with both these before their eyes, the unreading mass of the nation and the world at large would still have had their doubts. The step taken by the City of London, followed, as it has been, by the City of Westminster, have settled the point for ever. She has obtained a glorious triumph over all her enemies, a triumph for which she is, in the first place, indebted to her own innocence, sense, and courage, but which could not have been sealed to the satisfaction of the world without that exercise of popular rights, which led to her palace the Lord Mayor, Sheriffs, and Citizens of London, accompanied by ten thousand times more people than, probably, ever before accompanied an Address to any king, queen, prince, or princess in this country.

-The benefit, which the people will receive from these memorable occurrences, will naturally proceed from the impression, which, at an age of susceptibility, will be produced on the mind of Her Royal Highness the Princess Charlotte of Wales. That impression must be in favour of the people's rights; and, I trust, that no sy

-From the scene now before the eyes of Her Royal Highness, who is of an age to form a correct judgment, she will not, I am persuaded, fail to gather most useful knowledge. She will see what it is to deserve and to receive the people's love and admiration; and she may easily form an idea of the condition of a Queen, as she one day will be, who should be an object of the people's hatred, or, still worse, of their contempt. She will, I hope, conclude, that, to reign over a people without reigning in their hearts; that to command their unwilling and sullen obedience; that to possess a life about the preservation of which, even for a single day, her people would not care a straw; that thus to reign and thus to live, though surrounded with hundreds of flatterers, would be intolerable existence. This, I hope, will be her conclusion; and then, in striving to make herself beloved, she will make her people happy, she will watch over their rights as the best, and, indeed, as the only, secu rities of her own; she will set the example of a love of freedom, in casting from her the trammels of faction; she will be indeed a Queen, and the nation will be great, happy, and free.It is the constant endea vour of courtiers to persuade princes, that the people are their natural enemies. The Princess of Wales is now able to contradict this wicked doctrine, which has its rise in a desire to make the prince and people hate each other, to keep them at perpetual variance, and, by that means to subdue both to the will of those who hold such doctrine. They terrify the Prince

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