CHAP. general, and opened their mouths against his Majesty."* I. 1603. His profuse distribution It was in the course of this journey, also, that the king ventured to execute a thief without even the form of a trial; upon which, an old courtier of Elizabeth observed, "It is strangely done; now if the wind bloweth thus, why may not a man be tried before he has offended."+ But it soon became manifest that James had so far erred in the estimate which he had formed of his own character, and of the state of things in England, as to render his notions of kingly power not only unconstitutional, but, when compared with his ability to enforce them, somewhat ridiculous. The king accordingly appeared among his new subjects, expecting to win their admiration and attachment by his wisdom and condescension; while his subjects, on their part, were slow to discern the first attribute, and not often pleased with the second. In forming his council, six English noblemen of honours. Were nominated, and to these the same number of Scotsmen were added. Such distinctions as were to be conferred without affecting his pecuniary resources, were freely bestowed on the men of both nations, though not, according to English writers, without an evident leaning toward the claims of his countrymen. Beside those who were raised to higher dignities, more than seven hundred persons received the order of knighthood from the hand of their sovereign, within a few weeks of his accession. The first public reflection Birch's Memoirs, II. 516. Nugæ Antiquæ, I. 180. I. 1603. on the political sagacity of this monarch—a faculty CHAP. in a reputation for which he greatly prided himself, was provoked by this hasty and promiscuous distribution of honours. A satirical paper was placed on the door of St. Paul's, in which the writer proposed to discipline feeble memories, so as to afford the hope of their being equal to the task of recollecting the titles of the new nobility.* Stowe, pp. 824-827. Weldon. The freedom with which this distinction was bestowed is illustrated by the following anecdote: "On Easter Sunday, one William Hericke, a goldsmith in Cheapside, was knighted for making a hole in the great diamond the king doth wear; the party little expected the honour, but he did his work so well as won the king to an extraordinary liking of it."-Winwood, II. 57. Within twelve months, fourteen peers were created, CHAP. II. POLICY OF JAMES, WITH RESPECT TO THE CONTINENTAL POLITICAL AND RELIGIOUS STATE OF EUROPE: FRANCE SPAIN HOLLAND.-NEGOTIATIONS WITH THE CONTINENTAL STATES. CHAP. BUT if the defects of the English monarch were II. so early perceived by his subjects, the most forPolitical and midable powers of Europe were concerned to state of Eu. Secure his friendship and alliance. At this moment 1603. religious rope. France. Spain. their religious and political relations were such as to render the policy adopted by England apparently of the first importance. The continent had been for some time divided between the houses of Austria and Bourbon; and wherever any degree of civil liberty existed, or the protestant faith was professed, the toleration of things so little congenial with the temper of the French and Spanish monarchies, was to be traced to that rivalry which had led these powers to employ every expedient to weaken each other. There was a time when the principles of a representative government seemed to be acquiring some root and fixedness in the constitutions both of France and Spain; but these hopeful appearances had vanished with * Charles V. destroyed this state of things in Spain; and the last meeting of the states-general in France, previously to the memorable one in 1789, was in the eleventh year of our James I. II. 1603. the former half of the last century, and the states CHAP. of Holland, in exhibiting the wholesome influence of such principles on the industry and the general Holland. character of a people, stood almost alone. The protestant religion was the source from which the bold effort of the United Provinces in the cause of civil freedom arose. That religious faith, however, which had done so much for them, and which they were required to do so much to defend, maintained but a precarious existence in Germany, and in France was surrounded by hostility, which, before the close of this century, was to crush and nearly extinguish it.* It was an unhappy circumstance that James and Charles, in looking to the two principal monarchs of Europe, with whom alone they would think of comparing themselves, saw in them kings, who, if sometimes checked by their nobles, were nearly absolute with respect to their people; and kings, moreover, whose despotic rule was scarcely anywhere broken, except by communities, who, in resisting the yoke of the pontiffs, had learnt to regard the limits of kingly authority as a proper subject of debate. Hence, if the reformed faith was to be retained, it was in a "The cities of Germany," writes Machiavel, “ enjoy a very extensive liberty; they have a territory of inconsiderable extent, and obey the emperor when they please, not fearing to be attacked by him, or by others; because they all have strong walls, deep ditches, artillery, and provisions for a year; so that the siege of those cities would be long and painful. Added to this, they have always in reserve labour to employ the people, during the same space of time, in order to support them without having recourse to the public purse besides, their troops are regularly exercised in military evolutions, and their regulations, in that respect, are as wise as they are well observed."-The Prince, c. X. It was by such means, that the cities of Germany preserved their measure of civil and religious independence. a similar policy was adopted by the protestant cities of France. And II. 1603. CHAP. fashion bearing a nearer resemblance to the popery of the continent, than to its protestantism; and, if some legislative power was to be exercised by the people, it was to be rather as a matter of sufferance on the part of the sovereign, than, as one of right in themselves.* An abhorrence of Spain had long been a prevalent feeling in this country, and not without cause. But the new dynasty was expected to bring with it some new maxims of policy; and whatever may have been the extent of the king's intrigue with Spain before leaving Scotland, it is certain, that his elevation to the English throne, was regarded by his catholic majesty as the advancement of a friend and ally. An invasion of this kingdom, for which considerable preparations are said to have been made by the Spanish monarch, was relinquished immediately on the death of Elizabeth. The United Provinces were active in maintaining their independence, but they still needed the aid of England, and their rulers were not ignorant of the partialities which the Scottish king had shewn towards Spain, or of his favourite dogmas with respect to kingly power. There was accordingly some room to apprehend that he might regard them in the light of rebels, and that, considering the king of Spain as their legitimate sovereign, he might allow the force of his kingdom to be *It is evident from the despatches of ambassadors, that the French and Spanish cabinets kept a vigilant eye, from this time, on the proceedings of the English parliaments, and that they were much more influenced by the tone of such assemblies, than by the language of the king or of his ministers. See an instance of this in Winwood, II. 153, 154. + Lingard, IX. 11. |