glorious purpose of breaking the chains of defpotifm. Never did they give fuch teftimony of true nobility and pious benevolence, as in the liberal facrifice of selfish views to the exalted fhrine of public benefit. Yet Mr. Burke reprobates, as treachery of the most shameful kind, this feceffion, infpired by genuine zeal for a country's good!

If our author's statement might be credited, the bulk of the Affembly, after the nobility have been reckoned, confifts of pettifogging attornies-the most despicable of the medical profeffion-monied men, whofe conduct is directed entirely to the fecurity and advancement of their own property-curates of the lowest defcription-and country gentlemen of the most illiterate class. He believes that there are, in that Affembly, numbers who can neither read nor write. Mr. Burke has the talent of rendering abfurdity plaufible, and of communicating to fiction the luftre of truth. In all his relations there is fuch appearance of accuracy, and so much attraction of manner, that he gains by feduction the immediate approbation of his readers, and extracts from incredulity a temporary affent. But the charm is foon dipated by reflection. Reafon cannot eafily be perfuaded that, in the election of reprefentatives, upon an occafion of the highest folemnity, fuccefs fhould have attended the most contemptible of every condition; and, least of all, that the clergy fhould be fo blind to their own intereft, as to fix upon the meaneft, the pooreft, the most worthless members of the church to be the reprefentatives of that ever jealous order in the grand council of the nation; a council fummoned on account of exigencies the most urgent, and to the forming of which all Europe had an eye.'

The author proceeds to investigate the proceedings of the Affembly, and reprehends, in fevere terms, the contemptuous levity with which Mr. Burke attempts to ridicule them-fhews the difficulties they had to furmount; and that the infults offered to the king and queen were fo far from imputable to them, that, without their interference, and that of the national guard, the confequence of the popular difaffection must have been fatalthat though Mr. Burke may choose to be pleasant on the idea of a general maffacre intended by the adherents to the old government, yet the fufpicion was by no means without foundation.-That fo far were the people, or even the Affembly, from expecting, or perhaps wishing, an entire overthrow of the old conftitution, that, had the king or nobility relaxed their privileges earlier, it is probable none of the great changes would have been effected.-That a general bankruptcy was not only abfolutely neceflary in the difordered state of a government which no longer retained the confidence of the people, but seriously and folemnly determined on by the cabinet, while the flates were to be amufed with fome trivial difcuffions. What authority the author has for thefe fuggeftions, does not appear; but the combination of circumftances he produces carry very much the air

of

of probability. The confequences of fuch a step are here commented on with much eloquence and ingenuity; and the meafure of confining the king to Paris is fhewn to have been neceffary from the duplicity and dangerous designs of the other party.

The leading measures in the reform are next delineated with accuracy, and the fallacy of all Mr. Burke's statements pointed out. The offer of the clergy is fhewn to have been unequal to the just claims the ftate had on that body, and to have been made only under the impulfe of fear left their abuses and enormous revenues fhould be inquired into.The deftruction of the orders of nobility, is admitted with regret to have been a matter of neceffity.

Though Mr. Burke accufes the Affembly of acting beyond any power conveyed in the inftructions of their conftituents, our author fhews clearly that they have done every thing with a view to the correction of abufes, and reforming the exifting government. If in doing these they have altogether changed the nature of the latter, it was evidently a thing far from their intention in the beginning, and at prefent does not appear contrary to the wishes of their constituents.

The remaining remarks are on the nature and character of the late peerage the general measures purfued by them, the court, and the clergy, to opprefs the people-the moderation the latter have fhewn when first recovering from a long exifting flavery, and the danger that threatens any who fhall foolishly attempt to obftruct the prefent government-the falfe light in which Mr. Burke has defcribed the new mode of reprefentation proposed by the Affembly, and the difficulty he finds in objecting to a plan of fuch profound wisdom-the old parliaments -the paper currency-the ftate of the revenue -the improved ftate of the army-and the probable confequences of the revolution to France and the reft of Europe. In all these the author fhews great political knowledge, much information, a happy mode of expreffing himself, and a heart that rejoices in the profpect of the general happiness which the revolution opens.

ART. X.

Remarks on the Letter of the Right Hon. Edmund Burke, concerning the Revolution in France, and on the Proceedings of certain Societies in London relative to that Event. By Capel Loft. 8vo. 2s. Johnson. London. 1790.

WE

E always look for pleasure and advantage in whatever comes from the pen of Mr. Loft. When we differ with him we endeavour to do it with that Christian politeness which marks all his writings; and as we are fure of meeting with information, we rather feel ourselves converfing with him than criticifing his works. If the prefent needs any apology, it is either that it contains too much of the milk of human kindness, or that the author has not fufficiently informed himfelf of the enormous abuses that had crept into the French government, so as entirely to deftroy every thing valuable in church or state; and this to fuch a degree as rendered any permanent reformation impracticable without annihilating, as far as poffible, every means by which the old abufes were fupported.

Mr. Loft begins by fhewing the abfurdity of Mr. Burke's objections against innovations in government, or against the power of the people to depofe their governors for misconduct. This laft word Mr. Burke conceives is an inadequate term for fuch violent measures; but, though he admits fuch measures may fometimes be neceffary, he does not propofe any better term to authorise them. Mr. Loft defends the expreffion as liable to the feweft exceptions, because by its general implication it does not specify the nature or degree of misconduct, but leaves it to the determination of thofe only who are interested in' it, and who never use violent measures while they enjoy those comforts and that fecurity which an equal government provides. Many hiftorical proofs are brought to fhew that the English revolution was not a small deviation from the line of fucceffion; but, if juftifiable in itself, fufficient to authorife any future one. The hereditary nature of our government is fhewn to be like every other part of it, established for the convenience of the governed, and not for fupport of the governor at the expence of the former. Indeed fo many miferies refult from an elective crown, that no one in his fenfes would be an advocate for it. Mr. Burke's great veneration for established cuftoms and the antiquated ufages of the earliest ages, is elegantly refuted by an allufion to his own language. But whatever privileges, whatever glory are inheritable from civil institution, the rights of men, the honour of intellectual and moral agents, the illuftrious rank of men determined to be free, is of date far higher, of origin transcendently more venerable. It is an inheritance

;

inheritance coeval with the commencement of humanity: its 'enfigns are the countenance impreffed with the divine cha'racter of reason; its gallery the extent of the habitable earth its monuments the unperishable memory of the wifeft, beft, • and bravest of the fpecies of every age and country; its evi'dence the voice of nature; its title our equal relation to the 'Deity, from whom we derive in common the powers, the obligations, and the correspondent rights of men, reason, con'science, and freedom.' We could much wish to follow our author through the whole of this part of his work, which is every where convincing and eloquent from the feelings of the writer. In fpeaking of the revolution he seems to pay too much respect to the ideas of prejudice, which Mr. Burke has with fo much industry worked up to his purpose. We agree with both, that to remove a prejudice, however idle, by force, would be almoft as cruel as to preclude the exercife of a rational religion. But if we conceive the French retained any prejudices in favour of monaftic orders, or their expenfive church establishment, we fhall find ourselves much mistaken; and as to the orders themselves they are at liberty to quit or remain in their cells. In fpeaking too of the age of chivalry we conceive Mr. Loft, either from a politenefs inherent in him, or his willingness to fee every thing in the fairest point of view, pays too much respect to the language of those times. What was that refpect to the fex which, from cuftom and the effects of a warm imagination, made the heroes of the dark ages undertake every thing in their caufe, when the daughters of the peafantry were often forced to fubmit to the most painful and humiliating facrifices as the tenure of their paternal inheritance? It is therefore with much propriety that Mr. Loft clofes this part of his obfervations by fhewing, that only in focieties where property is more equally divided we are to expect that rational attention, that refpectful regard to women, which is the chief ornament and bleffing of human fociety.

In treating of the new conftitution Mr. Loft is of opinion that a fenate should be formed to counteract any cabals that may creep into popular affemblies; but, as he neither wishes this fenate to be hereditary nor permanent, in our opinion the operation of the crown and miniftry will be a fufficient check whenever the former has acquired that confidence which an upright conduct always enfures; as to the mode of election we have given our opinion of it in our review of Mr. Burke [fee our laft number].

The confiscation of church property, and the abolition of titles, fall equally within Mr. Loft's reprehenfion; but this we muft impute to his want of information refpecting the abuses of

H 3

the

the former, and the many dangerous privileges claimed by the latter, fo that nothing but the total diffolution of all diftinétions could fecure the public welfare and freedom. Some few objections are added refpecting the judicial department, which, however, Mr. Loft should have remembered is not as yet fixed on a permanent bafis. This part of the work concludes with warm commendations on the new government when contrafted with the old.

A few remarks are added on Dr. Price and the two societies, fo feverely treated by Mr. Burke. Refpecting the worthy character, whom Mr. Burke's long acquaintance might have taught him to fpare, Mr. Loft feems to feel too much at the indignities with which he is treated to exprefs himself at large. Of each fociety he profeffes himself proud of being a member; and reprefents both, particularly that for conftitutional information, in a very different light from Mr. Burke. We cannot help remarking here, that however contemptuoufly Mr. Burke may wish to view that body, he seems to think they have been no inconfiderable means of producing the revolution in France, and only to be apprehensive of the same consequences here.

ART. XI. Reliques of Irish Poetry; confifting of Heroic Poems, Odes, Elegies, and Songs, tranflated into English Verse: with Notes explanatory and historical; and the Originals in the Irish Character. To which is fubjoined an Irish Tale. By Mifs Brooke. 4to. 16s. Dublin, printed. 1789.

THE

[ Concluded. ]

HE author regrets fhe could not diverfify her collection by any pieces of a fprightlier ftrain. Various reasons are affigned for this. Among the reft, a quotation from Mr. Walker's Hiftorical Memoirs of the Irish Bards, afcribes it to the diftreffed ftate of the country, and the consequent melancholy of her poets, and, prior to the invafion, to the remarkable fufceptibility of the Irish to the paffion of love. But it is well known that the earlier and purer poets of all nations have been free from thofe witticifms that mark the decline of poetry, and its facrifice to the littleness of petulance, and the faucinefs of fatire. Our author's own remarks on the fubject are very judicious, and, in our opinion, much more to the purpose than Mr. Walker's, though her modefty has made them only an humble appendage to his.

For the reasons abovementioned we have none of the old fongs of the country in the collection. Thofe tranflated, being

only