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then the denial of a right; but the refusal to receive him until we have acceded to their demands without difcuffion, and without investigation, is to treat us neither as allies, nor as friends, nor as a fovereign ftate.

With this conduct of the French government, it will be proper to take into view the public audience given to the late minifter of the United States, on his taking leave of the Executive Directory. The fpeech of the Prefident difclofes fentiments more alarming than the refufal of a minifter, because more dangerous to our independence and union; and at the fame time ftudioufly marked with indignities towards the government of the United States. It evinces a difpofition to separate the people of the United States from the government; to perfuade them that they have different affections, principles, and interefts, from thofe of their fellow-citizens, whom they themselves have chofen to manage their common concerns, and thus to produce divifions fatal to our peace. Such attempts ought to be repelled, with a decifion which fhall convince France and the world that we are not a degraded people, humiliated under a colonial fpirit of fear, and fenfe of inferiority, fitted to be the miferable inftruments of foreign influence, and regardless of national honour, character, and intereft..

I fhould have been happy to have thrown a veil over thefe tranfactions, if it had been poffible to conceal them; but they have paffed on the great theatre of the world in the face of all Europe and America, and with fuch circumftances of publicity and folemnity, that they cannot be disguised, and will not foon

be forgotten: they have inflicted a wound in the American breast. It is my fincere defire, however, that it may be healed: it is my fincere defire, and in this I prefume I concur with you, and with our conftituents, to preferve peace and friendfhip with all nations; and believ ing that neither the honour nor the intereft of the United States abfolutely forbid the repetition of advances for fecuring thefe defirable: objects with France, I fhall institute a fresh attempt at negotiation; and fhall not fail to promote and accelerate an accommodation, on terms compatible with the rights, duties, interefts, and honour of the nation. If we have committed errors, and thefe can be demonftrated, we shall be willing to correct them; if we have done injuries, we fhall be willing on conviction to redrefs them; and equal measures of justice we have a right to expect from France, and every other nation. The diplomatic intercourse between the United States and France being at prefent fufpended, the government has no means of obtaining official information from that country; nevertheless there is reafon to believe that the Executive Directory paffed a decree on the 2d of March laft, contravening in part the treaty of amity and commerce of 1778, injurious to our lawful commerce, and endangering the lives of our citizens. A copy of this decree. will be laid before you.

While we are endeavouring to adjuft all our differences with France by amicable negotiation, the progrefs of the war in Europe, the depredations on our commerce, the perfonal injuries to our citizens, and the general complexion of affairs, render it my indifpenfahle

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duty to recommend to your confideration effectual meafures of defence.

The commerce of the United States has become an interesting object of attention, whether we confider it in relation to the wealth and finances, or the strength and refources of the nation. With a fea-coaft of near two thousand miles in extent, opening a wide field for fisheries, navigation, and commerce, a great portion of our citizens naturally apply their industry and enterprize to these objects. Any ferious and permanent injury to commerce would not fail to produce the moft embarraffing diforders: to prevent it from being undermined and deftroyed, it is effential that it receive an adequate protection.

The naval establishment muft occur to every man who confiders the injuries committed on our commerce, the infults offered to our citizens, and the defcription of the veffels by which thefe abufes have been practifed. As the fufferings of our mercantile and fea-faring citizens cannot be afcribed to the omiffion of duties demandable, confidering the neutral fituation of our country, they are to be attributed to the hope of impunity, arifing from a fuppofed inability on our part to afford protection. To refift the confequences of fuch impreffions on the minds of foreign nations, and to guard against the degradation and fervility which they muft finally stamp on the American character, is an important duty of

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prefent abilities of the union, would have been fufficient to have baffled many formidable transportations of troops from one state to another, which were then practifed. Our fea-coafts, from their great extent, are more eafily annoyed, and more eafily defended by a naval force than any other: with all the materials our country abounds; in skill our naval architects and navigators are equal to any; and commanders and feamen will not be wanting.

But although the establishment of a permanent fyftem of naval defence appears to be requifite, I am fenfible it cannot be formed fo fpeedily and extenfively as the prefent crifis demands. Hitherto I have thought proper to prevent the failing of armed veffels, except on voyages to the East Indies, where general ufage, and the danger from pirates, appeared to render the permiffion proper; yet the reftriction has originated folely from a wish to prevent collufions with the powers at war, contravening the act of Congrefs of June, 1794, and not from any doubt entertained by me of the policy and propriety of permitting our veffels to employ means of defence while engaged in a lawful foreign commerce. It remains for Congrefs to prefcribe fuch regulations as will enable our fea-faring citizens to defend themselves againft violations of the law of nations, and at the fame time restrain them from committing acts of hoftility against the powers at war. In addition to thefe voluntary provifions for defence by individual citizens, it appears to me neceffary to equip the frigates, and provide other veffels of inferior force, to take under convoy fuch merchant veffels as fhall remain unarmed.

The greater part of the cruifers,

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whofe depredations have been most injurious, have been built, and fome of them partially equipped, in the United States. Although an effectual remedy may be attended with difficulty, yet I have thought it my duty to prefent the fubject generally to your confideration. If a mode can be devited by the wisdom of Congrefs, to prevent the refources of the United States from being converted into the means of annoying our trade, a great evil will be prevented. With the fame view I think it proper to mention that fome of our citizens refident abroad, have fitted out privateers, and others have voluntarily taken the command, or entered on board of them, and committed fpoliations on the commerce of the United States. Such unnatural and iniquitous practices can be reftrained only by fevere punishments.

But befides a protection of our commerce on the feas, I think it highly neceffary to protect it at home, where it is collected in our most important ports. The diftance of the United States from Europe, and the well-known promptitude, ardour, and courage of the people in defence of their country, happily diminish the probability of invafion: neverthelefs, to guard against fudden and predatory incurfions, the fituation of fome of our principal fea-ports demands your confideration; and as our country is vulnerable in other interefts befides those of its commerce, you will feriously deliberate, whether the means of general defence ought not to be increafed, by an addition to the regular artillery and cavalry, and by arrangements for forming a provifional army.

With the fame view, and as a

measure which, even in time of univerfal peace, ought not to be neglected, I recommend to your confideration a revifion of the laws for organizing, arming, and difciplining the militia, to render that natural and fafe defence of the country efficacious. Although it is very true that we ought not to involve ourselves in the political fyftem of Europe, but to keep ourfelves always diftinct and separate from it if we can; yet to effect this feparation, early, punctual, and continual information of the current chain of events, and of the political projects in contemplation, is no lefs neceffary than if we were directly concerned in them. It is neceffary, in order to the difcovery of the efforts made to draw us into the vortex, in feason to make preparation against them. However we may confider ourselves, the maritime and commercial powers of the world will confider the United States of America as forming a weight in that balance of power in Europe, which never can be forgotten or neglected. It would not only be against our intereft, but it would be doing wrong to one half of Europe at leaft, if we fhould voluntarily throw ourfelves into either fcale. It is a natural policy for a nation that ftudies to be neutral, to confult with other nations engaged in the fame ftudies and purfuits: at the fame time that measures might be purfued with this view, our treaties with Pruffia and Sweden, one of which is expired, might be renewed.

Gentlemen of the Houfe of
Representatives,

It is particularly your province to confider the state of our public fi

nances, and to adopt fuch meafures refpecting them, as exigencies fhall be found to require; the prefervation of public credit, the regular extinguishment of the public debt, and a provision of funds to defray any extraordinary expences, will, of course, call for your ferious attention. Although the impofition of new burdens cannot be in itself agreeable, yet there is no ground to doubt that the American people will expect from you fuch meafures as their actual engagements, their prefent fecurity, and future intereft demand.

furrendering themselves to the di rection of foreign and domeftic factions, in oppofition to their own government, they will forfeit the honourable ftation they have hitherto maintained.

For myself, having never been indifferent to what concerned the interests of my country, devoted the beft part of my life to obtain and fupport its independence, and conftantly witneffed the patriotifm, fidelity, and perfeverance of my fellow-citizens on the most trying occafions, it is not for me to hefitate, or abandon a cause in which

Gentlemen of the Senate, and my heart has been fo long engaged.

Gentlemen of the House of
Representatives,

The prefent fituation of our country imposes an obligation on all the departments of government, to adopt an explicit and decided conduct. In my fituation an expofition of the principles by which my administration will be governed, ought not to be omitted.

It is impoffible to conceal from ourfelves, or the world, what has been before obferved, that endeavours have been employed to fofter and establish a divifion between the government and people of the United States. To inveftigate the causes which have encouraged this attempt is not neceffary; but to repel by decided and united councils, infinuations fo derogatory to honour, and aggreffions fo dangerous to the conftitution, union, and even independence of the nation, is an indifpenfable duty.

It must not be permitted to be doubted whether the people of the United States will fupport the government established by their voluntary confent, and appointed by their free choice; or whether, by

Convinced that the conduct of the government has been juft and impartial to foreign nations; that thofe internal regulations, which have been eftablished by law for the prefervation of peace, are in their nature proper, and that they have been fairly executed, nothing will ever be done by me to impair the national engagements, to innovate upon principles which have been fo deliberately and uprightly eftablished, or to furrender in any manner the rights of the govern ment. To enable me to maintain this declaration, I rely, under God, with entire confidence on the firm and enlightened fupport of the national legislature, and upon the virtue and patriotism of my fellowcitizens. JOHN ADAMS.

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the interefting fubjects recommended to your confideration fhall receive every attention which their importance demands; and that your co-operation may be expected in those measures which may appear neceffary for our fecurity or peace. The declaration of the Reprefentatives of this nation of their fatis faction at my promotion to the first office in the government, and of their confidence in my fincere endeavours to discharge the various duties of it with advantage to our common country, have excited my moft grateful fenfibility.

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I pray you, Gentlemen, to believe, and to communicate such affurances to our conftituents, that no event which we can foresee to be attainable by any exertions in the discharge of my duties, can afford me fo much cordial fatisfaction as to conduct a negotiation with the French Republic, to a re-, moval of prejudice, a correction of errors, a diffipation of outrages, an accommodation of all differences, and a restoration of harmony and affection, to the mutual fatisfaction of both nations. And whenever the legitimate organs of intercourfe fhall be restored, and the real fentiments of the two governments can be candidly communicated to each other, although ftrongly impreffed with the neceffity of collecting ourselves into a manly posture of defence, I nevertheless entertain an encouraging confidence that a mutual fpirit of conciliation, a difpofition to compenfate injuries, and accommodate each other in all our relations and connections, will produce an agreement to a treaty confiftent with the rights, duties, and honour of both nations.

(Signed) JOHN ADANS. United States, June 3, 1797.

Meffage received by the House of Reprefentatives from the Prefident, on the 12th of June, 1797.

Gentlemen of the Senate, and
Gentlemen of the Houfe of
Representatives,

I HAVE received information from the commiffioners appointed on the part of the United States, pursuant to the third article of our treaty with Spain, that the running and marking of the boundary line between the colonies of Eaft and Weft Florida, and the territory of the United States, have been delayed by the officers of his Catholic Majefty, and that they have declared their intention to maintain his jurifdiction, and to fufpend the withdrawing of his troops from military posts they occupy within the territory of the United States, until the two governments fhall by negotiation have fettled the meaning of the fecond article refpecting the withdrawing of the troops, garrifons, or fettlements of either party, in the territory of the other; that is, whether when the Spanish garrifons withdraw, they are to leave the works ftanding, or to demolish them; and, until by an additional article to the treaty, the real property of the inhabitants fhall be fecured, and likewife until the Spanish officers are fure the Indians will be pacific. The two firft questions, if to be determined by negotiation, might be made fubjects of difcuffion for years; and as no limitation of time can be prefcribed to the other (a certainty in the opinion of the Spanish officers that the Indians will be pacific) it will be impoffi ble to fuffer it to remain an obstacle to the fulfilment of the treaty on the part of Spain.

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