duty to recommend to your confideration effectual measures of defence.

The commerce of the United States has become an interesting object of attention, whether we confider it in relation to the wealth and finances, or the ftrength and refources of the nation. With a fea-coaft of near two thousand miles in extent, opening a wide field for fisheries, navigation, and commerce, a great portion of our citizens naturally apply their industry and enterprize to thefe objects. Any ferious and permanent injury to commerce would not fail to produce the moft embarraffing diforders: to prevent it from being undermined and deftroyed, it is effential that it receive an adequate protection.

The naval establishment muft occur to every man who confiders the injuries committed on our commerce, the infults offered to our citizens, and the description of the veffels by which thefe abules have been practifed. As the fufferings of our mercantile and fea-faring citizens cannot be afcribed to the omiffion of duties demandable, confidering the neutral fituation of our country, they are to be ttributed to the hope of impunity, arifing from a fuppofed inability on our part to afford protection. To refift the confequences of fuch impreffions on the minds of foreign nations, and to guard against the degradation and fervility which they muft finally stamp on the American character, is an important duty of government.

A naval power, next to the militia, is the natural defence of the United States. The experience of the laft war would be fufficient to fhow that a moderate naval force, fuch as would be eafily within the

prefent abilities of the union, would have been fufficient to have baffled mány formidable transportations of troops from one ftate to another, which were then practifed. Our fea-coafts, from their great extent, are more eafily annoyed, and more easily defended by a naval force than any other: with all the materials our country abounds; in skill our naval architects and navigators are equal to any; and commanders and feamen will not be wanting.

But although the establishment of a permanent fyftem of naval defence appears to be requifite, I am fenfible it cannot be formed fo fpeedily and extenfively as the prefent crifis demands. Hitherto I have thought proper to prevent the failing of armed veffels, except on voyages to the East Indies, where general ufage, and the danger from pirates, appeared to render the permiffion proper; yet the reftriction has originated folely from a wifh to prevent collufions with the powers at war, contravening the act of Congrefs of June, 1794, and not from any doubt entertained by me of the policy and propriety of permitting our veffels to employ means of defence while engaged in a lawful foreign commerce. It remains for Congrefs to prefcribe fuch regu lations as will enable our fea-faring citizens to defend themselves against violations of the law of nations, and at the fame time restrain them from committing acts of hoftility against the powers at war. In addition to thefe voluntary provifions for defence by individual citizens, it ap pears to me neceffary to equip the frigates, and provide other veffels of inferior force, to take under convoy fuch merchant veffels as fhall remain unarmed.

The greater part of the cruisers, whofe

whofe depredations have been moft injurious, have been built, and fome of them partially equipped, in the United States. Although an effectual remedy may be attended with difficulty, yet I have thought it my duty to prefent the fubject generally to your confideration. If a mode can be deviled by the wisdom of Congrefs, to prevent the refources of the United States from being converted into the means of annoying our trade, a great evil will be prevented. With the fame view I think it proper to mention that fome of our citizens resident abroad, have fitted out privateers, and others have voluntarily taken the command, or entered on board of them, and committed fpoliations on the commerce of the United States. Such unnatural and iniquitous practices can be reftrained only by fevere punishments.

But befides a protection of our commerce on the feas, I think it highly neceffary to protect it at home, where it is collected in our most important ports. The diftance of the United States from Europe, and the well-known promptitude, ardour, and courage of the people in defence of their country, happily diminish the probability of invafion: nevertheless, to guard against fudden and predatory incurfions, the fituation of fome ́of our principal fea-ports demands your confideration; and as our country is vulnerable in other interefts befides thofe of its commerce, you will ferioufly deliberate, whether the means of general defence ought not to be increafed, by an addition to the regular artillery and cavalry, and by arrangements for forming a provifional army.

With the fame view, and as a

measure which, even in time of univerfal peace, ought not to be neglected, I recommend to your confideration a revifion of the laws for organizing, arming, and difciplining the militia, to render that natural and fafe defence of the country efficacious. Although it is very true that we ought not to involve ourselves in the political fyftem of Europe, but to keep ourfelves always diftinct and separate from it if we can; yet to effect this feparation, early, punctual, and continual information of the current chain of events, and of the political projects in contemplation, is no lefs neceffary than if we were directly concerned in them. It is neceffary, in order to the difcovery of the efforts made to draw us into the vortex, in feason to make preparation against them. However we may confider ourselves, the maritime and commercial powers of the world will confider the United States of America as forming a weight in that balance of power in Europe, which never can be forgotten or neglected. It would not only be against our intereft, but it would be doing wrong to one half of Europe at leaft, if we fhould voluntarily throw ourselves into either icale. It is a natural policy for a nation that ftudies to be neutral, to confult with other nations engaged in the fame ftudies and purfuits: at the fame time that measures might be purfued with this view, our treaties with Pruffia and Sweden, one of which is expired, might be renewed.

Gentlemen of the Houfe of
Representatives,

It is particularly your province to confider the state of our public fi

fervices, had placed him in the rank of the moft cfieemed and refpected in the nation. The direct object of his miffion was expreffed in his letter of credence to the French Republic, being "to maintain that good understanding which, from the commencement of the alliance, had fubfified between the two nations; and to efface unfavourable impreffions, banifh fufpicions, and reftore that cordiality which was at once the evidence and pledge or a friendly union," And his inftructions were to the fame effect, "faithfully to reprefent the difpofition of the government and people of the United States, their difpofition being one, to remove jea, loufies and obviate complaints, by Thowing that they were groundlefs; to reftore that mutual confidence which had been fo unfortunately and injuriously impaired; and to explain the relative interefts of both countries, and the real fentiments of his own."

A minifter thus fpecially commiffioned, it was expected would have proved the inftrument of reftoring mutual confidence between the two republics: the firft ftep of the French government correfponded with that expectation; a few days before his arrival at Paris, the French minifter of foreign relations informed the American minifter, then refident at Paris, of the formalities to be obferved by himfelf in taking leave, and by his fucceffor, preparatory to his reception. Thefe formalities they obferved; and on the ninth of December prefented officially to the minifter of foreign relations, the one a copy of his letter of recall; the other a copy of his letters of credence. Thefe were laid before the Executive Directory Two

a

days afterwards, the minister of fo reign relations informed the recalled American minifter, that the Executive Directory had determined not to receive another Minifter Plenipotentiary from the United States, until after the redrefs of grievances demanded of the Ame rican government, and which the French Republic Lad a right to expeft from it. The American mi, nifter immediately endeavoured to afcertain whether,, by refufing to receive him, it was intended that he fhould retire from the territories of the French Republic; and verbal anfwers were given, that fuch was the intention of the Directory. For his own juftification he defired wiitten anfwer; but obtained none until towards the laft of January; when, receiving notice in writing to quit the territories of the Republic, he proceeded to Amfterdam, where he proposed to wait for inftructions from this government. During his refidence at Paris cards of hofpitality were refufed him; and he was threatened with being fubjected to the jurifdiction of the minifter of police: but with be coming firmnefs he infifted on the protection of the law of nations, due to him as the known minister of a foreign power. You will derive further information from his difpatches, which will be laid before

you.

As it is often neceffary that nations fhould treat for the mutual advantage of their affairs, and especially to accommodate and terminate differences, and as they can treat only by minifters, the right of embaffy is well known, and established by the law and ufage of nations. The refufal on the part of France to receive and hear our minifter, is

then

then the denial of a right; but the refufal to receive him until we have acceded to their demands without difcuffion, and without investigation, is to treat us neither as allies, nor as friends, nor as a fovereign state.

With this conduct of the French government, it will be proper to take into view the public audience given to the late minifter of the United States, on his taking leave of the Executive Directory. The fpeech of the Prefident difclofes fentiments more alarming than the refufal of a minifter, because more dangerous to our independence and union; and at the fame time ftudiously marked with indignities towards the government of the United States. It evinces a difpofition to separate the people of the United States from the government; to perfuade them that they have different affections, principles, and interefts, from thofe of their fellow-citizens, whom they themselves have chofen to manage their common concerns, and thus to produce divifions fatal to our peace. Such attempts ought to be repelled, with a decifion which shall convince France and the world that we are not a degraded people, humiliated under a colonial fpirit of fear, and fenfe of inferiority, fitted to be the miferable inftruments of foreign influence, and regardless of national honour, character, and intereft.

I fhould have been happy to have thrown a veil over thefe tranfactions, if it had been poffible to conceal them; but they have paffed on the great theatre of the world in the face of all Europe and America, and with fuch circumstances of publicity and folemnity, that they cannot be difguifed, and will not foon

be forgotten: they have inflicted a wound in the American breast. It is my fincere defire, however, that it may be healed: it is my fincere defire, and in this I prefume I concur with you, and with our conftituents, to preferve peace and friendfhip with all nations; and believ ing that neither the honour nor the intereft of the United States abfolutely forbid the repetition of advances for fecuring these defirable objects with France, I fhall institute a fresh attempt at negotiation; and fhall not fail to promote and accelerate an accommodation, on terms compatible with the rights, duties, interefts, and honour of the nation. If we have committed errors, and these can be demonftrated, we shall be willing to correct them; if we have done injuries, we fhall be willing on conviction to redress them; and equal measures of justice we have a right to expect from France, and every other nation. The diplomatic intercourse between the United States and France being at prefent fufpended, the government has no means of obtaining official information from that country; nevertheless there is reafon to believe that the Executive Directory paffed a decree on the 2d of March laft, contravening in part the treaty of amity and commerce of 1778, injurious to our lawful commerce, and endangering the lives of our .citizens. A copy of this decree. will be laid before you.

While we are endeavouring to adjuft all our differences with France by amicable negotiation, the progrefs of the war in Europe, the depredations on our commerce, the perfonal injuries to our citizens, and the general complexion of affairs, render it my indifpenfable

fervices, had placed him in the rank of the moft cfieemed and refpected in the nation. The direct object of his miffion was expreffed in his letter of credence to the French Republic, being "to maintain that good understanding which, from the commencement of the alliance, had fubfified between the two nations; and to efface unfavourable impreffions, banifh fufpicions, and reftore that cordiality which was at once the evidence and pledge of a friendly union," And his inftructions were to the fame effect, "faithfully to reprefent the difpoition of the government and people of the United States, their difpofition being one, to remove jea, loufies and obviate complaints, by Thowing that they were groundlefs; to reftore that mutual confidence which had been fo unfortunately and injuriously impaired; and to explain the relative interefts of both countries, and the real fentiments of his own."

A minifter thus fpecially commiffioned, it was expected would have proved the inftrument of reftoring mutual confidence between the two republics: the firft ftep of the French government correfponded with that expectation; a few days before his arrival at Paris, the French minifter of foreign relations informed the American minifter, then refident at Paris, of the formalities to be obferved by himfelf in taking leave, and by his fucceffor, preparatory to his reception. Thefe formalities they obferved; and on the ninth of December prefented officially to the minifter of foreign relations, the one a copy of his letter of recall; the other a copy of his letters of credence. These were laid before the Exccutive Directory. Two

days afterwards, the minister of fo reign relations informed the recalled American minifter, that the Executive Directory had determined not to receive another Minifter Plenipotentiary from the United States, until after the redress of grievances demanded of the American government, and which the French Republic Lad a right to expeft from it. The American mi nifter immediately endeavoured to afcertain whether, by refusing to receive him, it was intended that he fhould retire from the territories of the French Republic; and verbal anfwers were given, that fuch was the intention of the Directory. For his own juftification he defired a wiitten anfwer; but obtained none until towards the laft of January; when, receiving notice in writing to quit the territories of the Repub. lic, he proceeded to Amfterdam, where he propofed to wait for inftructions from this government. During his refidence at Paris cards of hofpitality were refufed him; and he was threatened with being fubjected to the jurifdiction of the minifter of police: but with becoming firmness he infifted on the protection of the law of nations, due to him as the known minifter of a foreign power. You will derive further information from his difpatches, which will be laid before you.

As it is often neceffary that nations fhould treat for the mutual advantage of their affairs, and especially to accommodate and terminate differences, and as they can treat only by minifters, the right of embaffy is well known, and established by the law and ufage of nations. The refufal on the part of France to receive and hear our minifter, is

then