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this reafon, he fhould give his pofitive and hearty negative to the motion.

Mr. Curwen confeffed that he had never heard any arguments which could convince him that the profperity of the country was at all owing to the present adminiftration. It was a common and often a baneful error to confound caufes with collateral effects. Nothing could be more abfurd, nor a greater proof of fuperftitious veneration and weakness, than to afcribe all the bleffings we enjoyed to the minifter, and all the evils to causes which he could neither foresee nor prevent.

Mr. Hobhouse stated fome ftriking prefumptions, not to fay complete proofs, that in the prefent war we were the aggreflors, and that ministers had miffed many opportunities of making an honourable peace.

Mr. Sturt execrated the conduct of minifters, in cheating the nation of their money by pretended overtures for peace; in employing prifoners, notoriously attached to republicanism, for the re-establishment of monarchy in France; whence the difafter at Queberon: in facrificing millions of money, and the flower of our army at St. Domingo, &c. He declared his conviction that the fuccefs, nay the very existence of the country depended on the fupport of the prefent motion.

Mr. Burdon thought, that the difmiflal of minifters was a measure which would retard rather than accelerate peace, and, instead of allaying the prefent ferment in the public mind, kindle and foment disturbances. The question being impatiently called for, there were found, ayes 59, nues 242,

The attack on the principles and measures of the prefent ministers was renewed, or rather continued, in the house of commons, under another form.

On the twenty-fixth of May, Mr. Grey rofe, in pursuance of previous notice, to move for a reform in the reprefentation of the people. After an exordium, contrafting our former profperity with our prefent diftrefs, and alfo afferting the purity and patriotifm of his prefent intentions, he expreffed his wifh that our establishment should remain as it was; compofed of lords and commons. He propofed, that the county reprefentation fhould remain nearly on the fame footing: only, that instead of ninety-two county members, there fhould be one hundred and thirteen. For instance, inftead of two for the county of York, there fhould be two for each riding; and fo in other counties, where the prefent reprefentation was not proportionate to the extent of population. In order to put an end to compromifes, each county, or riding, fhould be divided into grand divifions, each of which fhould return one reprefentative. With regard to the qualifications of electors, instead of confining the right of election to free-holders, it fhould be extended to copy-holders and leafe-holders, who were bound to pay a certain annual rent, a certain number of years. But the reform which he had to propose, in the other branch of reprefentation, was of a much more extensive na ture. It was, that the remaining four hundred members fhould be returned by one defcription of perfons, which were houfe-holders. If it were poffible, one perfon fhould

not be permitted to vote for more than one member of parliament. In order to prevent expence, the poll ought to be taken through the whole kingdom at one time: this was the outline of his plan; to ftate that it could be obtained at first with exactnefs, or was not liable to difficulties, would be prefumptuous and abfurd. But he flattered himfelf there would be found no infuperable or fundamental objections to it. The land-owner would find his property fuitably reprefented; the merchant fupport in the houfeholders; and men of refpectability and talents in the different profeffions would find a fair door open for admiffion into parliament. The only perfons whom he wished to exclude from that houfe, were men who were neither poffefled of landed property, nor engaged in commercial enterprize, nor profeffors of any particular fcience, and who, without property, without induftry, and without talents, obtained feats in the house of commons, by the influence of great en, for the purpofe, not of confulting the good of the people, but of promoting their own interefts.

Mr. Grey's motion was feconded by Mr. Erikine, who, after an exordium relating to his own fituation, principles, and feelings, topics to which he allo returned, according to his manner, in different parts of his fpeech, obferved, that out of the motion which had been made, there arofe, for the confideration of the houfe, three queftions; first, whether the house of commons, in its prefent frame and conftitution, fulfills the ends of its office, in the British government, so as to render any change in it expedient? By the houfe of commons, faid Mr. Erfkine,

I defire not to be supposed to speak of this, or of the laft, or of thofe long past, or that may yet be elected, but of any poffible houfe of commons, in its pretent frame and conftitution. Secondily, whether, fuppofing a reform in parliament to be necellary, the fpecific propofition submitted to the house appears to be falutary, practicable, and adapted to cure the evils complained off, fo as to entitle it to the ulterior confideration of the house in the form of a bill, to be brought before us? Thirdly, whether, fuppofing a reform in parliament to be expedient, and the propofition made by the motion to be worthy of confideration, the prefent moment is feasonable for entertaining it? This laft point is, indeed, a matter of the highest importance. The prefent is no common period, and pregnant with no common events.

Mr. Erfkine proceeded to fhew, that from the gradual and still growing influence of the crown, the house of commons had been perverted, in fact, from its original office: which was, to balance the other branches of government; to watch with jealousy over the executive government, on the one hand, and to protect the popular privileges against the encroachments of ariftocratic influence on the other. With regard to the fecond point, the conclufion that he drew from a variety of just and ingenious obfervations, was, that honeft but vifionary men, confounding the unalienable rights of every man to interfere in the administration of actual government, with the right to be well governed, impofed an actual tyranny upon the world in their zeal for univerfal freedom: but that the fyftem of his excellent and enlightened friend, avoided that dangerous ftumbling block, and created

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a practical government, on principles which had no tendency to diforganize fociety, or fhake the eftablishment of the nation. As to the last and most momentous point, that of time, Mr. Erfkine's opinion was, that the prefent moment for reformation was fingularly and critically feasonable; and that thofe who feized on the times, as a foundation for objection, would lay the fame hold on profperity, if it were propofed, on the return of peace. This opinion, by a variety of confiderations, it must be owned, he rendered extremely probable.-But it was faid, in objection to the times, that there was, at the prefent moment, a dangerous difaffection prevalent in the minds of men, to the government of this country; and that peftilent and deftructive thories had poifoned public opinion, against all monarchical conftitutions. Admitting, faid Mr. Erskine, for the fake of argument, that the imputation of wide-fpred difaffection is juft, how is the evil to be remedied? If defpair of obtaining any moderate reform has driven any confiderable numbers to republicanism, to whom is the fault to be imputed? Will any man deny, that the foundation of this spirit (whatever may be its extent) was laid in the declarations of the right honourable gentleman himself, who affirmed, that it was impoffible an upright or useful administration could exift, whilft the house was conftituted as it is, and who has unanfwerably illuftrated the truth of his pofition, by the evidence of his own? Did the right honour able gentleman imagine, that he could preferibe bounds beyond which this fpirit fhould not pafs? Did he imagine that he could plant

the root, and prevent the fhoots from fpringing up? Does the right honourable gentleman think that he can extinguish, in the minds of the people, that diftruft of the prefent fyftem of government which he himself has taught them to entertain? Or does he think by coercion to make them tamely fubmit to thofe abuses which he himself was the foremoft to expofe? Does he think to guard the conftitution from violence, by perfecuting those who would peaceably reform it? Does he think to filence the voice of complaint, by a fullen refusal to remedy the grievance? This road may be purfued for a season; but the end thereof is death. Inftead of inflaming by perfecution, let me advife you to conciliate by feafonable conceffion. The fyftem of terror can neither remove nor filence a deeprooted and well-founded difcontent. Let me conclude with repeating again, that the condition of this country renders a reform most critically feafonable. The nation stands in the moft perilous predicament; government is forced to call upon the people for greater exertions than at former times. Burdens which appeared impracticable, even in fpeculation, are now to be carried into practical effect. This must be` done, either by affection, or by coercion; and this is the moment for the choice. Give the people the bleffings of the conftitution, and they will join with ardour in its defence: raife within these walls a ftandard, which was never before railed, around which the friends of the conftitution may rally, and to which the people will be attracted by the feelings of confidence and of attachment; it will give general fatisfaction; it will unite all who

are divided, and create a general fpirit to bear up against the calamities by which we are furrounded. Mr. Pitt obferved, that the queftion was not, whether fome alteration might be attended with advantage, but whether the degree of benefit might be worth the chance of the mifchief it probably, or poffibly, might induce. It would not be prudent to give an opening to principles that aimed at nothing lefs than the annihilation of the conftitution.-But what he appeared to have most at heart, as was very natural, and what it was the principal tendency of his fpeech to refute, was, the alleged inconfiftency of those who had formerly fupported parliamentary reform, in oppofing it now.-There was no inconfiftency, he faid, in foregoing a prefent advantage for a future benefit, or for the fake of avoiding impending evils. Could we believe that men, who remained unmoved by the difmal example which their principles had produced, whofe pretenfions rofe or fell with the fuccefs or the decline of jacobinism, in every part of Europe, were ever actuated by a fimilarity of motives and of objects with thofe who profecuted the cause of reform as a practical advantage, and maintained it on conftitutional views. "From the period, faid Mr. Pitt, when the new and alarming æra of the French revolution broke in upon the world, I found that the grounds on which the queftion of reform refted were fundamentally altered. I do not believe that the temper of moderate reformers will lead them to make

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common caufe with the irreconcileable enemies of the conftitution." As to the fpecific plan of reform, propofed by Mr. Grey, he thought it was at once highly exceptionable in theory, and unfupported by experience.

Mr. Sheridan denied that the horrors of France were produced by the rights of man. Bloody calamities there had been, but they did not originate in those principles. There was not one individual who had been concerned in writing or publishing them that was concerned in any of the maflacres. Excefs was the natural confequence of all revolutions; when men fhook off their flavery, under the necessity of recovering their liberty by force, they were naturally intemperate. If the queftion were put to him, who were the real authors and abettors of the French mafiacres, he would not hesitate to place certain defpots in the front of his accufation. The minifter had defired the public to look upon refor"mation as a latent mode of overturning the conftitution. He knew not why univerfal fuffrage had been brought into fuch contempt. He remembered Mr. Pitt's having figned his name, with the duke of Richmond, at fome meetings, in fayour of reform and annual parliaments. Mr. Sheridan mentioned feveral circumftances of comfort and hope, in his own particular fituation, which rendered it incredible that he fhould entertain any defign or wish to throw things into anarchy and confufion. For this, in our opinion, Mr, Sheridan is en

* We do not confider it to be neceffary, as if we were members of parliament, fpeaking in parliament, to adhere to all the circumlocutions of "right honourable gentlemen oppofite to each other, &c. &c."

titled to full credit: and having faid this, it will not be imputed as any perfonal attack on that gentleman, if, contrarily to our ufual cuftom, we make a remark on a fpeech, the fubftance and tendency of which, only, it is our bufinefs, in the character of annalifts, to report. This obfervation, that the maflacres of France did not originate in the principles of the rights of man, though commonly reforted to by the defenders of innovation, is not worthy of the philofophical accuracy, and precifion of Mr. Sheridan, who knows the diftinction between efficient caufes, Nor rather the one EFFICIENT caufe, and natural causes or occafions. Maf facres cannot arife out of mere abftractions, whether entertained in the brain, or reprefented by fymbols or writing; but notions concerning rights, mingled with, and brought into play, every evil paffion. An explofion is effected not by nitre alone, but by the action of fire on nitre mixed with fulphur.

Sir Francis Burdett, among a variety of pointed obfervations, faid, that without a reform of parliament, corruption would become the euthanafia of the conftitution. Corruption had reduced us, with all the advantages of our foil and climate, to a ftate, that no more resembled, in point of liberty, that

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of our ancestors, than if we were the inhabitants of a foreign land. "Indeed, faid fir Francis, with all our boast of wealth, the mean and hard lot of poverty falls to the share of the mass of the people and that comfort, which ought to be the reward of honeft labour, is feized by the griping hand of a rapacious government. But all these things are drawing towards a conclufion. That which was once a matter of choice, is now a matter of neceffity; and the chancellor of the exchequer, though an enemy to liberty, has, by his conduct, contributed to revolution." Sir Francis concluded a concife but energetic fpeech, glowing with the fire of freedom and the fentiments of

humanity, with declaring, that the prefent motion fhould have his hearty fupport.

From the generous concern of fir Francis Burdett for the oppreffed mals of the people, whole patient and filent fufferings feldom find a fincere advocate in fuch a place, we can neither with-hold nor fupprefs our fincere approbation and applaufe. Of what ufe is a flourishing revenue, if it cannot be applied, by political management, to the relief and comfort of the great body of the people?

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Sir Richard Hill did not omit, on the prefent occafion, to harp on the common ftring of the minifters inconfiftency,

We have formerly had occafion to obferve that most of our laws, multiplied almost beyond the power of enumeration, relate to the augmentation of the revenue, and the prefervation, not to say the extenfion, of the powers of the executive government. Few are the laws of a truly paternal and patriotic kind. Nay, when measures have bren propofed for reducing the enormous price of provifions, we have feen a minifter of state fetting his face against them. On the twenty-fecond of June, this year, Mr. Mainwaring moved the order of the day, on a bill for the better preventing of foreftalling and regrating of live cattle. Mr. Dundas opposed this bill, on the ground that it would hurt the landed intereft of this country, by diminishing, through a reduced price of provifions, the value of farms. Though a committee of the houfe of commons, in 1796, had de

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