was their object to fave the state from ruin. But it might be asked, what it was that he thought likely to reftore happiness to the people of Ireland?" Reftore to the people of Ireland the perfon you have recalled; give back to them the man whom they have tried, and whom they admire; act on the principles on which he acted, and then difcontents will ceafe: if you do not, God only knows into how much more dreadful a state that unhappy country may be reduced." Lord Grenville was of opinion, that the remedy, propofed by the noble duke, would have a tendency to create that which he feemed to dread: a disturbance in Ireland; for, that must neceffarily be the tendency of recalling the prefent lord-lieutenant of that kingdom. If the talents, the virtues, and the exertions, of that noble lord were not fufficient to preferve the tranquillity of Ireland, he believed it would be out of the power of any other individual whatever.

The earl of Moira rofe up to make a few obfervations on the main point in queftion: the contentment or difcontentment of the people of Ireland. As their lordfhips could not try the veracity of one noble lord against another, the only way they had to decide, was, to refer to facts. His lordship again appealed to the various facts already mentioned or alluded to, by himself and the earl Fitzwilliam: parifes and whole counties out of the king's peace, and difarmed: infurrections in divers places, murmurs of discontent in all; and a general affembly, within fifty yards of the caftle of Dublin, headed by perfons whose talents and characters were of the very first class, and

who, after the moft mature deliberation that could be had on fuch an occafion, refolved and declared it to be their firm perfuafion, that there was no chance for the falvation of Ireland, without an intire and immediate change in the whole fyftem of executive government. After this, the house divided; and the noble earl's motion was rejected by 72 against 20.

Two days after this decifion, in the houfe of peers, the fame fubject, that is, the general ftate of Ireland was introduced, into the house of commons, by Mr. Fox, who prefaced his fpeech by calling to mind the part he had taken in a recognition of the complete independence of Ireland, and how much he naturally confidered himself to be bound, in a particular manner, to follow up the principle on which it was founded. Though a variety of circumftances had concurred to produce the prefent difturbances in Ireland, he confined his obfervations to two or three leading points. Thefe were, whether, in confequence of the conceffions that had been made to Ireland, fhe had, in fact and fubftance, enjoyed the advantages of an independent legiflature? Whether, in that form of a free conftitution which they obtained, the people poffeffed that political weight to which they were entitled? And, whether, their just voice and influence had been promoted, by the alteration which had been effected? The people of Ireland were divided into two, though thefe unequal, claffes, the catholics and the proteftants: neither of which enjoyed their juft fhare of political power and influence. About nine years ago, a regular fyftem was deviled for enflaving

Ireland. A perfon of high confideration was known to fay, that, 500,000. had been expelled to quell an oppofition in Ireland, and that as much more must be expended, in order to bring the legislature of that country to a proper temper. This fyftematic plan of corruption was followed up by a fuitable fyftem of meafures. It had been the fyftem of government, by the fale of peerages, to raise a purfe for purchafing the reprefentation of the people of Ireland. It was of fered to be proved, by Mr. Grattan, in the Irish houfe of commons, that one-half, or even a majority, of that houfe were creatures of the crown. The manner in which the political fituation of Ireland, at that time, was viewed, by the Irish nation, was to this effect: "you have granted us an independent legislature; independent, certainly, of your parliament, but dependent on your executive government." Another proof of this fubftantial dependence on government was exhibited in the manner in which the demands of the catholics had, at different times, been treated. Their petitions, for a redress of fome of the moft oppreffive grievances, had been rejected with haughtinefs and infult. It was ufual, Mr. Fox faid, for men of confideration, in Ireland, to talk as if what had been done for the catholics was an act of neceffity, which, on a fit occafion, would be recalled. Hoftile fufpicions were infinuated, not only against the lower order of catholics, but against men of the first respectability for character and fortune, and whofe loyalty could not be queftioned. Numbers were taken up for high treafon; and, when acquitted, it appeared, that no ground of fuf

The

picion could ever have been enter tained against them. What could be the effect of fuch proceedings, but to convince the catholics, that the conceffions in their favour were extorted? that the hoftile mind ftill exifted, and that they were ftill marked out as the victims of the moft cruel profcriptions and oppreffions? Private animofities, too, arofe, and produced thofe different claffes of difturbers of the public peace, about which fo much had been faid. The remedies applied, tended to foment the disease. authority of the laws was fuperfeded. Thofe against whom it was thought convictions could be procured were taken up; and thofe whom it would have been impoffible to convict were tranfported, in great numbers, without the ceremony of a trial, or the form of conviction. I know, faid Mr. Fox, an opinion has gone forth, that the catholics have no fubftantial grievances to complain of; and, that, the prefbyterians have still lefs, It is faid, that the catholics can vote for members of parliament, and that they are not diftinguished from the proteftants otherwife than by an exclufion from being members of parliament, and from the high offices of state. If this were all, I fhould ftill fay, they have a right to all the privileges poflefied by the proteftants. And to exclude them fil from thefe, in their full extent, is a proof of continued hoftility. But let us confider the matter in another point of view. It is invidioufly objected, by government, to the catholics, that it is not civil liberty, but power and emolument that they purfue. To this I could anfwer, for the catholics, yes: nor is it any dilcredit to them to be actuated by

fuch

fuch a defire. Civil liberty can have no fecurity without political power. I know that distinctions have been made between civil and political liberty, and I admit that it is poffible for whole claffes, whole casts, of men to enjoy the one without poffeffing the other. Still, however, I affert, that it can only be by fufferance. The catholics, therefore, may juftly fay, that it is not this or that conceffion which will fatisfy, but that which alone can give them fecurity for its continuance. But it is objected to the catholics, that they are not only ambitious of power, but defirous of emolument. Why thould not they who contribute fo largely to the fupport of government be defirous of fharing in the emolument which it beftows? Are the catholics to be told, by a few monopolozing politicians, who engrofs all places, all reverfions, all patronages, oh! you bafe catholics, ye think of nothing but your private emolument; you perverse generation, who have already been permitted to vote for members of parliament, are you fo bafe as to - urge the difgraceful demand of a fhare in perfonal emoluments? The catholics are men, and to be governed by the common motives that actuate human nature. For a small and interefted minority to imagine, that they can monopolize all advantages to themfelves, is a pretention which will not be admitted: mankind are not to be treated in this manner, and it is not now-a-days that fuch claims will pals current in the world. It has been faid, that the catholics are entitled to vote for members of parliament. But, except in the counties, Mr. Fox obferved, the reprefentation of Ireland was in what is

66

here known by the name of clofe corporations. The catholics were carefully excluded from the corporations'; fo that their privilege of voting for members of parliament was almoft entirely evaded.

Mr. Fox came next to confider the grievances of the prefbyterians, the most numerous clafs, by far, in the north of Ireland. The dif contents of the inhabitants of the northern parts of Ireland arife from two caufes: one of them was the temporary preflure of a war, in which they were involved without intereft in the conteft, and the diftreffes which the calamities, with which it had been attended, had entailed upon their trade and commerce; the other had been the abufes which they conceived - to exift in the conftitution by which they are governed. The conftitution of Ireland, they complain, does not refemble that of Creat Britan; they have not a legiflature by which the people are even virtually r prefented; and, as to political li berty, they enjoy as fmall a portion of it as thofe who live under #tonarchies, in which the principles of freedom have never been introduced. Whoever imagined that a practical refemblance exifts between the government of Ireland and the English conftitution, would fina, that the Irish government was a mirror in which the abufes of this conftitution were ftrongly reflected. The jobbing fyftem of influence and patronage, for purposes of per-, fonal advantage, in Ireland, was an abufe which totally deftroyed the fpirit of the form of government, and was an abufe not to be endured. To fuppole that a large, induftrious, active, and intelligent, body of men can be governed

against the principles they had imbibed, and the prejudices by which they were guided, was an idea which history and human nature proved to be abfurd. What, faid Mr. Fox, is the actual fituation of affairs with refpect to Ireland? You have raised enormous burthens both in England and Ireland; you have produced great difcontents. In fact, we are now precifely at the point in which we ftood, in 1774, with America; and, the question is, whether we are to attempt to retain Ireland by force, inftead of gaining her by conceffions, and a full communication of all the bleffings of a free conftitution? Mr. Fox, having spoken highly of the adminiftration and popularity of the earl Fitzwilliam, in Ireland, faid, that he could fcarcely conceive that any objection could be urged against the motion he was about to make, in point of form. The interefts of this country and of Ireland were the fame. Its affairs were conduct ed by minifters, and the British cabinet, and it was the privilege of that houfe to advife his majefty. If he were to justify the measure by precedent, he might quote the cafe of an impeachment of the earl of Lauderdale, by the English parliament, before the union, for the conduct of the government of Scotland. But why, faid Mr. Fox, fhould I fpeak of forms, when the confequences of the difcontents in Ireland may be a conteft to be fupported by Englishmen, and Englith money ? I fhall therefore move

That a humble addrefs be prefented to his majefty, that his majefty will be graciously pleafed to take into his royal confideration the disturbed ftate of his kingdom f Ireland, and to adopt fuch heal.

ing and lenient measures as may appear to his majefty's wifdom beft calculated to restore tranquillity, and to conciliate the affections of all defcriptions of his majesty's fubjects, in that kingdom, to his majefty's perfon and government." This motion was feconded, in a fhort, but very elegant as well as animated, fpeech, by

Sir Francis Burdett, who faid, whoever has the flightest information, concerning the fituation of Ireland muft admit the propriety of this motion; but, without having been an eye-witnefs to the effects produced by the measures of the minifter of that country, it is impoffible to have an adequate idea of the magnitude of the evils arifing from them. Whoever has feen Ireland, has feen a country where the fields are defolated, and the prifons overflowing with the victims of oppreffion; has feen the fhocking contraft between a profligate extravagant government and an enslaved and impoverished people. One perfon now immured within the walls of a dungeon in Dublin-Caftle, I have the honour to be connected with: for honour as well as happinefs I fhall ever esteem it. After a warm panegyric on the public and private virtues of Mr. O'Connor, fir Francis faid, when fuch men become objects of hatred and fear to government, it is not difficult to afcertain the nature of that government. But perhaps, fir, I may be charged with fpeaking more like a difcontented Irifhman than a true friend to the interefts of England. Sir, I fpeak like a friend to humanity and liberty, and like an enemy to cruelty and oppreffion. I believe the in terefts of Ireland and of this coúntry to be the fame. I believe it

for

for the intereft of both countries, that both fhould be free. What was faid, by a great man, refpe&ing America is ftill more applicable with refpect to Ireland, "I rejoice, faid lord Chatham, in the refiftance of America, because I believe three millions of men enflaved in that country would become the propereft inftruments for enflaving this." There is, fir, in my opinion, one way, and only one, for faving Ireland and England: that is, to diveft the prefent minifter of that power which he has fo long and fo fatally abused, and to call him to a ftrict account for his conduct, before the tribunal of his country. If we have not refolution, if we have not energy, if we have not the means to accomplish this, I know not whether the country can be faved; but this I know, that it is not worth faving. After the able fpeech that we have just heard, I fall content myfelf with feconding the

motion.

Mr. Pitt afked Mr. Fox whether the parliament, by which the independence of Ireland was recognized, was more accommodating to the wishes of the diffenters of the north, or to the catholics of the fouth, than thofe of a fubfequent period? Quite the contrary. Whatever alteration had fince taken place tended more and more to include both dif fenters and catholics within the pale of both civil and political liberty, than the principle recognized in 1782. But the main pillar of his defence of minifters, in their conduct towards Ireland, and ground of his objection to the prefent motion, was the unconftitutionality, the impropriety, and the dangers, to be apprehended from the interference of the British parliament

As to

in the affairs of Ireland; topics on which he expatiated with his usual ability; but, in which, it is unneceffary to follow him, as we have feon them already difcuffed in the debates in the upper houfe. the main conceflion to be made, by way of reniedy to the difcontents and difturbances in Ireland, that of allowing to the catholics the privilege of fitting in parliament, this could not be done, without reverfing the whole of its prefent form, and new-modelling the conftitution from beginning to end: and, to make this change when fuch principles were abroad in the world, and were even prevalent in the country in which we lived, would be attended with the most dangerous confequences.

Colonel Fullarton, who had just come from Scotland, and that part of it which almoft touches on Ireland, was aftonished to find, in the metropolis, fuch an apparent indifference to the moft alarming dangers; and wondered that fo much time fhould be spent in debate, and fo little in military preparation. General Hoche would find, in Ulfter alone, 50,000 Irishmen united, with pikes in their hands, and arms concealed, bufily employed in fecret difcipline, in order to qualify themfelves for re-inforcing the French army.

Mr. Courteney believed, that there were, in Ulfter, 50,000 men with arms in their hands, ready to receive the French; but not to fupport them. The people in that province, almoft all prefbyterians, had a strong fpirit of liberty, and were attached to the popular, or, what had been called, the republican, branch of the conflitution; yet they were not to be confounded with jacobins and banditti.