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affignats, and the affignats that produced the revolution, with all the miferies fuffered by France, and inflicted on her neighbours. To fhew a difpofition, even a zeal for the fettlement of a government in France, that fhould refpect the rights of men and nations, would not be a greater bleffing to that country, than to all Europe. The motion before the houfe had a happy tendency to harmonize the great body of the French and English people (who could not be faid properly to be at war with each other, though their governments were) into peace and good neighbourhood, by difCountenancing and difapproving the infinuations of infincerity, on the part of this country, in the late negociation. It would affift minifters, in proving that the prolongation of

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ally declared its respect for personal fafety, property, and morals, and has denounced vengeance against the anarchifts. It has likewife manifested an appearance of a wifh for peace. It is for the French nation to realize the peace, of which their new government fpeaks to them with cautious referve. And this object, a frank declaration on the part of the people of England, through their reprefentatives, of a fincere difpofition to peace, on a fair moral bafis, equally conducive to the fecurity and welfare of both nations, by awakening the fenfibility, and gain

Sir William Pultney faid, that what the parliament and the nation fhould require was not fo much an immediate peace, as a fecure one: and this object would be accomplifhed by patience under our fufferings, and perfeverance in the conteft. As long as the enemy retained Belgium and Holland there could be no fecurity for England. Now was the moment to ftrain every nerve in the firuggle; and he was more fearful that minifters would be too forward than too tardy in bringing matters to a termination. His complaint against them was that, on hearing the difafters that had being the confidence of the French nafallen the Imperial arms, they had not immediately come down to the - houfe, and called for a loan to invigorate the brave exertions of our illuftrious ally.

Sir John Macpherson spoke to the following effect. He thought that it would not be a greater proof of moderation and juftice, than of found political wifdom, to declare that we ftood up only in defence of our own rights and liberties, and not for the purpose of encroaching on thofe of other nations. He was anxious that fuch a declaration should be made, not only because it would contribute to give peace to this country, but to all Europe, and among other nations, even to our enemies. The interests of Britain would be beft promoted by confulting not only our own advantage, but that of all the civilized world: by endeavouring not only to obtain from, but to extend to France, a juft, honourable, and folid peace. The French government has ceased to be an incendiary affembly, fanguinary dictators, and a club of plunderers. It has affumed the form and the tone of regular governments. It has offici

tion, would materially tend to forward. The bafis to which he alluded was a due regard to juftice, private property, public credit, and the rights of nations. It was time for the English nation to open their eyes on the true object of the war: an object which ought to be as remote from the fpirit of vengeance, as that of conqueft. It points, on the contrary, to a reasonable agreement between the belligerent states; an agreement dictated by the force of their wants, and founded on the indifpenfable protection of the right of property, without which no ftate can be certain of providing for the fubfiftence of its fubjects, nor of maintaining the fecurity of its civil order. Commerce and modern finance having intermingled all property, even that of nations, it follows that public credit has become the univerfal depofitary of civilized fociety. There is only one property, and one real finance in Europe, the circulation of which is as effential to the political body, as that of the blood to the human body: it was a violation of the right of property that produced the

affignats,

affignats, and the affignats that produced the revolution, with all the miferies fuffered by France, and inflicted on her neighbours. To fhew a difpofition, even a zeal for the fettlement of a government in France, that fhould refpect the rights of men and nations, would not be a greater bleffing to that country, than to all Europe. The motion before the houfe had a happy tendency to harmonize the great body of the French and English people (who could not be faid properly to be at war with each other, though their governments were) into peace and good neighbourhood, by difCountenancing and difapproving the infinuations of infincerity, on the part of this country, in the late negociation. It would affift minifters, in proving that the prolongation of

the calamities of war did not reft with Great Britain. To a motion of this tendency, he did not fee why any objection should be made by either fide of the house: as it was calculated to procure an effential advantage to the country, while it contributed to ftrengthen the hands of government. On these grounds, he thought himself juftified in fupporting the prefent motion.

Mr. Johnes could never forget the ignominiousmanner in which our ambaffador had been difmiffed, nor forgive the infult offered to the nation. The objects for which we contended were, our liberties, our fortunes, our religion, our God, and our king! On a division of the house, there appeared for Mr. Pollen's mo tion, 85: against it, 291.

1

Sir William Pultney faid, that what the parliament and the nation fhould require was not fo much an immediate peace, as a fecure one: and this object would be accomplifhed by patience under our fufferings, and perfeverance in the conteft. As long as the enemy retained Belgium and Holland there could be no fecurity for England. Now was the moment to ftrain every nerve in the firuggle; and he was more fearful that minifters would be too forward than too tardy in bringing matters to a termination. His complaint against them was that, on hearing the difafters that had be fallen the Imperial arms, they had not immediately come down to the - houfe, and called for a loan to invigorate the brave exertions of our illuftrious ally.

Sir John Macpherfon fpoke to the following effect. He thought that it would not be a greater proof of moderation and juftice, than of found political wifdom, to declare that we ftood up only in defence of our own rights and liberties, and not for the purpose of encroaching on thofe of other nations. He was anxious that fuch a declaration fhould be made, not only because it would contribute to give peace to this country, but to all Europe, and among other nations, even to our enemies. The interests of Britain would be beft promoted by confulting not only our own advantage, but that of all the civilized world: by endeavouring not only to obtain from, but to extend to France, a just, honourable, and folid peace. The French government has ceased to be an incendiary affembly, fanguinary dictators, and a club of plunderers. It has affumed the form and the tone of regular governments. It has offici

ally declared its respect for perfonal fafety, property, and morals, and has denounced vengeance against the anarchists. It has likewise manifested an appearance of a with for peace. It is for the French nation to realize the peace, of which their new government fpeaks to them with cautious referve. And this object, a frank declaration on the part of the people of England, through their reprefentatives, of a fincere difpofition to peace, on a fair moral bafis, equally conducive to the fecurity and welfare of both nations, by awakening the fenfibility, and gaining the confidence of the French nation, would materially tend to forward. The bafis to which he alluded was a due regard to juftice, private property, public credit, and the rights of nations. It was time for the English nation to open their eyes on the true object of the war: an object which ought to be as remote from the fpirit of vengeance, as that of conqueft. It points, on the contrary, to a reasonable agreement between the belligerent ftates; an agreement dictated by the force of their wants, and founded on the indifpenfable protection of the right of property, without which ftate can be certain of providing for the fubfiftence of its fubjects, nor of maintaining the fecurity of its civil order. Commerce and modern finance having intermingled all property, even that of nations, it follows that public credit has become the univerfal depofitary of civilized fociety. There is only one property, and one real finance in Europe, the circulation of which is as effential to the political body, as that of the blood to the human body: it was a violation of the right of property that produced the

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affignats,

1

affignats, and the affignats that produced the revolution, with all the miferies fuffered by France, and inflicted on her neighbours. To fhew a difpofition, even a zeal for the fettlement of a government in France, that fhould refpect the rights of men and nations, would not be a greater bleffing to that country, than to all Europe. The motion before the houfe had a happy tendency to harmonize the great body of the French and English people (who could not be faid properly to be at war with each other, though their governments were) into peace and good neighbourhood, by difcountenancing and difapproving the infinuations of infincerity, on the part of this country, in the late negociation. It would affift minifters, in proving that the prolongation of

the calamities of war did not reft with Great Britain. To a motion of this tendency, he did not fee why any objection should be made by either fide of the house: as it was calculated to procure an effential advantage to the country, while it contributed to ftrengthen the hands of government. On thefe grounds, he thought himself juftified in fupporting the prefent motion.

Mr. Johnes could never forget the ignominiousmanner in which our ambaffador had been difmiffed, nor forgive the infult offered to the nation. The objects for which we contended were, our liberties, our fortunes, our religion, our God, and our king! On a divifion of the house, there appeared for Mr. Pollen's mo tion, 85: against it, 291.

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