life, she was most innocent; in desires, moderate; in purpose, just; in spirit, above credit and almost capacity of her sex; of divine wit, as well for depth of judgment, as for quick conceit and speedy expedition; of eloquence, as sweet in the utterance, so › ready and easy to come to the utterance; of wonderful knowledge both in learning and affairs; skilful not only in the Latin and Greek, but also in divers other foreign languages: none knew better the hardest art of all others, that is, of commanding men, nor could more use themselves to those cares without which the royal dignity could not be supported. She was religious, magnanimous, merciful, and just; respective of the honour of others, and exceeding tender in the touch of her own. She was lovely and loving, the two principal bands of duty and obedience. She was very ripe and measured in counsel and experience, as well not to let go occasions, as not to take them when they were green. She maintained justice at home, and arms abroad, with great wisdom and authority in either place. Her majesty seemed to all to shine through courtesy: but as she was not easy to receive any to especial grace, so was she most constant to those whom she received; and of great judgment to know to what point of greatness men were fit to be advanced. She was rather liberal than magnificent, making good choice of the receivers; and by this cause was thought weak by some against the desire of money. But it is certain that beside the want of treasure which she found, her continual affairs in Scotland, France, the Low Countries, and in Ireland, did occasion great provision of money, which could not be better supplied than by cutting off either excessive or unnecessary expense at home. Excellent queen! what do my words but wrong thy worth? what do I but gild gold? what but show the sun with a candle, in attempting to praise thee, whose honour doth fly over the whole world upon the two wings of magnanimity and justice, whose perfection shall much dim the lustre of all other that shall be of thy sex? I will no longer stay upon general descriptions, but proceed to such particular acts as shall justify much more than I have said.

When she came to London, she was lodged the first night in the Charter-house, where many great persons, either for birth, or worthiness (or place in the state) resorted unto her; and now rising from dejected fears to ambitious hopes, contended who should catch the first hold of her favour. The Queen did bear herself moderately and respectively to all, desiring them, if they

would not be deceived in her, that they would not be the first to deceive themselves: that they would not prejudice her in their opinions, as not by uncourteous suspicions and doubts, so not by immoderate expectations and hopes, promising unto themselves out of a sudden liking more than is fit, or peradventure possible, to be performed: the failure whereof would either change or abate their loves: that they would lay aside all fore-taken conceits, which, like painted glass, doth colour all things which are seen through it. Lastly, that they would not too rashly judge of her actions, as being privy neither to the occasions of them, nor to their ends.

So, after she had passed the offices of court done to her by the nobility and others, the day following, in the afternoon, she rode from thence to the Tower. At the Charter-house gate the mayor of the city met her, and the recorder with a short speech saluted her in the name of the whole city. She rode in great state through Barbican, the mayor riding with Garter King-at-Arms, and carrying a sceptre before her; she entered at Cripplegate, and so passed by the wall to Bishopsgate. This gate was richly hanged, and thereupon the waits of the city sounded loud music. At the head of the street a scholar of Paul's School made to her a short speech in Latin verses; next unto him stood the Company of Mercers within their rails, and after them all the other companies, extending to the farthest end of Mark Lane. When she entered Mark Lane a peal of ordnance began at the Tower, which continued half an hour or thereabouts. The presence of the queen gave perfection and life to all these solemnities. She answered such speeches as were made to her; she graced every person either of dignity or employment; she so cheerfully both observed and accepted everything, that in the judgment of all men, all these honours were esteemed too mean for her worth. When she was entered into the Tower, she thus spoke to those about her; "Some have fallen from being princes of this land, to be prisoners in this place; I am raised from being prisoner in this place, to be prince of this land. That dejection was a work of God's justice; this advancement is a work of His mercy; as they were to yield patience for the one, so I must bear myself towards God thankful, and to men merciful and beneficial for the other." (From the Same.)

THE JESUITS

It is a rule in nature that one contrary is manifested by the other. Let us compare then your boisterous doctrine with that of the apostles and ancient fathers of the Church, and we shall find that one is like the rough spirit which hurled the herd of swine headlong into the sea; the other like the still and soft spirit which talked with Elias.

Neither was the devil ever able, until in late declining times, to possess the hearts of Christians with these cursed opinions, which do evermore beget a world of murders, rapes, ruins, and desolations. For tell me, what if the prince, whom you persuade the people they have power to depose, be able to make and maintain his party, as King John and King Henry the Third did against their barons! What if other princes, whom it doth concern, as well in honour, to see the law of nations observed, as also in policy, to break those proceedings which may form precedents against themselves, do adjoin to the side! What if whilst the prince and the people are (as was the frog and the mouse) in the heat of their encounter, some other potentate play the kite with them both, as the Turk did with the Hungarians? Is it not then a fine piece of policy which you do plot? or is it not a gross error to raise those dangers, and to leave the defence to possibilities doubtful?

Go to, sirs, go to, there is no Christian country which hath not by your devices been wrapped in wars. You have set the empire on float with blood; your fires in France are not yet extinguished; in Polonia and all those large countries, extending from the north to the east, you have caused of late more battles to be fought, than had been in five hundred years before. Your practices have heretofore prevailed against us: of late years you have busied yourselves in no one thing more, than how to set other Christian Princes on our necks; stirring up such a store of enemies against us, as, like the grasshoppers of Egypt, might fill our houses, and cover our whole land, and make more doubt of room than of resistance. Our own people also you have provoked to unnatural attempts: you have exposed our country as a prey to them that will either invade or betray it; supposing belike that you play Christ's part well when you may say as

Christ did :-Think not that I came to send peace: I came not to send peace, but a sword. But when, by the power and providence of God, all these attempts have rather shown what good hearts you bear towards us, than done us any great harm; when in all these practices you have missed the mark, now you do take another aim: now having no hope by extremity of arms, you endeavour to execute your malice, by giving dangerous advice ; now you go about to entangle us with titles, which is the greatest misery that can fall upon a State.

You pretend fair shows of liberty and of power, Sed timeo Danaos et dona ferentes: we cannot but suspect the courtesies of our enemies the power which you gave us will pull us down; the liberty whereof you speak will fetter us in bondage. When Themistocles came to the Persian court, Artabanus, captain of the guard, knowing that he would use no ceremony to their king, kept him out of presence, and said unto him:-You Grecians esteem us barbarous for honouring our kings, but we Persians esteem it the greatest honour to us that can be. The like answer will we frame unto you :-You Jesuits account it a bondage to be obedient unto kings, but we Christians account it the greatest means for our continuance both free and safe.

(From The Right of Succession Asserted.)

JAMES VI.

[James VI. of Scotland and I. of England was born in 1566, and died in 1625. From his fourth till at least his twelfth year James was educated at Stirling Castle with several youths of noble family, under the care of George Buchanan and Peter Young. He was naturally clever, and made rapid progress in his studies, which included Latin, Greek, French, history, logic, and rhetoric. We are told by Killigrew that at the age of ten he "translated a chapter of the Bible from Latin into French, and from French into English, extempore"; and James Melville, speaking of a visit he paid the King, says, that "it was the sweetest sight in Europe that day for strange and extraordinary gifts of ingine, judgment, memory, and language.' At twelve years

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of age he had nominally to take the government into his own hands. tender age was, as his tutor laments, 'engrossed by the attentions of flatterers," and distracted by the fechting and flyting" of those whom Melville terms "bot factious, fasschious, ambitious, greedy, vengeable, warldly, wretchit creatours. James's juvenile production, Essays of a Prentice in the Divine Art of Poetry (1584), was probably written as themes for his tutors. Two Meditations on the Revelations (1588-89) are indicative of his theological bent. Demonology (1597), Basilikon Doron (1599), and A Counterblast to Tobacco (1604), are his best known essays. The remainder, and much the larger portion, of his writings deals with political and theological questions, which have for their centre his cherished tenet of the "divine right of kings." The most important of these are The True Law of Free Monarchy (1603), An Apology for the Oath of Allegiance (1607), and A Defence of the Right of Kings (1615). The Bishop of Winton published in 1616 an edition of his prose works, which included his speeches and some occasional tracts.]

It is usual to introduce James I. among the writers of his reign with an apology; and it is commonly, and perhaps justly, held that his works would long ago have been forgotten, had they not been written by a monarch. Yet there is another side to this; for it is none the less true that his name as an author has suffered from his notoriety as a king. In spite of the somewhat more favourable estimate of later historians, such as Gardiner and Ranke, James I. retains an unenviable reputation. His position,