the Chinese stockades. The Chinese general before Kaung-toŭn, Tsú-tá-yeng, despatched upwards of 1,000 horse in support of Ba-mô, but the Burmese general placed 2,000 troops to prevent the Chinese crossing the Len-ban-gya river, and Tsú-tá-yeng re-called them. The Burmese general then selected three bold and trusty men to pass through the Chinese force before Kaung-toŭn at night, and report to the governor the fall of Ba-mô, and the intention of the Burmese general to attack on a certain day the besieging force. On the appointed day, the Burmese general, leaving one division of his force at Ba-mô, marched with the remaining nine divisions, and attacked the Chinese before Kaung-toŭn, and at the same time the garrison of Kaung-toŭn sallied out. The Chinese, although greatly superior in numbers, were much disheartened at the loss of their stockades at Ba-mô, and after three days' fighting, the whole of the Chinese works before Kaung-toŭn also were taken. Ten of their generals, and more than 10,000 men, were killed, and the Chinese, after setting fire to the boats which they had been building, closed round their general, Tsú-tá-yeng, and, taking him up, fled to their force on Thín-zá-nuay-lein mountain. The Burmese followed the Chinese, and driving them out of their stockades on that mountain, pursued them as far as Mó:-wún, taking a great quantity of arms, prisoners, and horses. The land force of twenty-two divisions, which marched from Ava under the Wún-gyíh Mahá-tsí-thú, having arrived at Mō-gaung, after repairing the defences of that town, and leaving a sufficient garrison in it, proceeded to meet the Chinese army, which was advancing by the Santa* route. On crossing the Kat-kyo-waingmô, the Wún-gyíh heard that the Chinese army were near Lízô mountain, and sent a small party in advance to reconnoitre. This party, before it came to Lízô, fell in with a party of 1,000 horse, which the Chinese general, Tsheng-tá-lô-ye, had also sent in advance, for the same purpose of reconnoitring, and the Burmese, drawing the Chinese into a narrow pass between two mountains, where their horse could not form line, attacked and defeated them. Judging, however, from this reconnoitring party only consisting of 1,000 horse, that the Chinese army must be of great force, the Burmese party stopped on the bank of the Nánnyent river, and sent some scouts on in advance. These returned with the intelligence that, on ascending the top of a mountain and climbing some trees, they had seen the Chinese army, which amounted to about 20,000 horse and 100,000 foot. The Wún-gyíh then appointed six divisions of his army to proceed with celerity by the right, and six by the left, round each side of the Lízô mountain, whilst with the remaining ten divisions he advanced by the centre route slowly, and occasionally firing cannon. The Chinese general, hearing of the approach of the Burmese, left one-third of his army to take care of his stockades in Lizô, and with the remainder advanced to meet the Burmese, and took post on the eastern bank of the Nán-nyen river. The Burmese force, under the Wún-gyíh, came up and joined the reconnoitring party on the western bank of the same river, whilst the right and left wings, which had reached Lízô by marching round the rear of the Chinese main army, suddenly attacked and carried the stockades there. The Chinese in those stockades, believing that the principal portion of their own force was in front of them, were completely taken by surprise, and fled and joined their army under General Tsheng-tá-lô-yé. These wings of the Burmese army then fell in with another Chinese force, which was coming from China with a convoy of provisions to their army, and took possession of the whole of the horses, mules, and provisions. The Burmese The distance between Mō-gaung and Santa is said to be only five or six days' journey. + For the Shan word Nam, water and small river,' the Burmese always write Nán. Asiat.Jour.N.S. VOL.26.No.103. 2 C nerals reported their successes to their commander-in-chief, the Wún-gyíh, by a swift horseman, and proposed that their force should now fall on the rear of the Chinese army stationed on the east bank of the Nán-nyen, whilst the Wún-gyíh attacked it in front. The Wún-gyíh sent the messenger back, approving of the plan of attack, and fixing the day on which it should take place. On the appointed day, the two wings of the Burmese army fell on the rear of the Chinese on two different points, whilst the Wún-gyíh crossed the Nán-nyen, and attacked them in front with the main army. The Chinese generals, seeing their army placed between two fires, retreated, and took post at a spot beyond the Lízó mountain; but the Wún-gyíh here again attacked them, and completely routed their army, 100,000 men of which fled to Santá, and there threw up new works. The Wun-gyíh halted his army at Maing:-lá, in order to recruit it. The Wún-gyíh having been taken unwell, the king of Ava re-called him, and appointed the Let-wé-weng-dô-mhú, who was in command of the Ba-mô water force, to go and relieve the Wún-gyíh, and with orders to attack and destroy the Chinese army, and then take possession of the eight Shan towns, Hó-thá, Lá-tha, Móná, Tsandá, Maing-mô, Tsi-guen, Kaing-máh, and Mó:-wún. The Let-wé-weng-dô-mhú proceeded with his ten divisions from Bá-mô, and joined the Wún-gyíh's army at Maing:-lá, and soon after advanced and attacked the Chinese force at Santá, under General Tsheng-tá-lô-yé, which had been suffering much from want of provisions, the inhabitants of the eight Shan towns having refused to comply with the Chinese general's requisitions, declaring that they were subjects of the king of Ava, and afraid to assist the Chinese. The Chinese were forced to retreat, and the Burmese pursued them as far as Yunan, taking a multitude of prisoners, horses, arms, &c. The Let-wé-wengdô-mhú, after taking possession of the eight Shan towns, which had heretofore thrown off their allegiance to Ava, joined another Burmese general, the Wúngyíh Mahá Thí-ha-thúra, who had been sent with an army by the route of Lú-ta-tshay-nhít-paná. The two generals attacked another Chinese force of upwards of 50,000 men, which was posted on a high mountain to the northeast of Thein-ní, and one-third only of these Chinese escaped into their own country. The Let-wé-weng-dô-mhú and the Wún-gyíh Mahá Thí-hathúra, having completed his majesty's service, then returned, with the prisoners, guns, &c. which they had taken, to Ava, where they arrived on the 21st May 1767. [To be continued.] COLONEL MILES' "SHAJRAT UL ATRAK." 118 THE Shajrat ul Atrak, literally, 'Tree of the Turks,' Colonel Miles tells us, "appears to have been copied and abridged from the compilation of Toorkish or Moghool history, made by order of Alugh Beg Mirza," the grandson of Timoor, who flourished about the middle. of the fifteenth century: this is avowed at the close of the work. With the author's name, or any other guarantee for its authenticity, we are not furnished. This translation was announced by the Oriental Translation Committee, as amongst the works "preparing for publication," some years ago. The work contains copious details of the life and achievements of the celebrated Chungeez Khan. We agree, however, with Colonel Miles, that its other historical notices are valuable, or rather would be valuable, if we could be secure of their accuracy: It begins, in the orderly manner of the Asiatics, with the Creation. On the authority of tradition, the author relates that the angel Gabriel was sent to the earth to collect a little moist mould or clay, in order to form the pure body of Adam, from the spot on which the holy Kaaba stands: but the Earth adjured him to desist, lest some unworthy creature might be formed, and it might on that account fall under the displeasure of the Almighty. Gabriel was touched with this appeal, and returning without executing his errand, Michael was despatched, but he was not proof against the Earth's pathetic adjuration. Israfeel was baffled in the same manner; till at length Azrael (the Angel of Death) was employed on the mission, who, disregarding the entreaties of the Earth, collected a handful of mould, a portion from every part, and including all its different qualities, which he took to the Garden of Eden, where it was kneaded with the waters of Tusnim, and the rain of compassion and mercy fell upon the clay for forty days; the form of man was given to it by the hand of power; God breathed life into it, and Adam became a vital, reasonable being. The angels were directed to kneel to Adam, in token of his excellence; all obeyed save Iblis, who was cursed for his disobedience, and who cherished thereupon a mortal enmity to Adam, and determined to do his race all the ill in his power. Adam was placed in the Garden of Eden, and Eve was created from his left side, whilst he was between sleeping and waking. Iblis, by the help of a peacock and a serpent, contrived to enter Paradise, deceived Eve, and made her eat of the forbidden fruit, and she induced Adam to eat also. The five creatures were then hurled from the Garden; Adam fell on a mountain in Serindeep (Ceylon), Eve at Jidda, the peacock in Hindustan, the serpent at Isfahan, and Iblis at Sumnan, or Sumnath. In a similar manner, the author, borrowing from the Mohamedan tradiditions, parodies the book of Genesis, or rather the Rabbinical books, intermingling with the mass a due proportion of the leaven of Islam. Alumchi, king of the Toorks, is reputed to have been the son of Kyook Khan, the son of Debad Kowi, the son of Abluchi Khan, the son of Toork, • The Shajrat ul Atrak, or Genealogical Tree of the Turks and Tatars. Translated and abridged by COL. MILES. London, 1838. Wm. H. Allen and Co. the son of Japhet, the son of Noah. The patriarch is said to have divided the earth into three parts, which he distributed amongst his three sons; Japhet had the territory from the sea of China to the mountains of Kamroon, from the White Mountains to the boundary of Russia, and from the "fifth climate" to the Pole. As the countries of Tooran and Toorkistan fell to his share, Japhet is called the father of the Toorks. Alumchi Khan had two sons, who were twins; one was called Tatar, the other Moghool, to whom he left his possessions. These princes were united during their lives; but when they died, their followers disparted, and formed two distinct tribes, called, from the names of their late princes, Tatar and Moghool. This account, though evidently pure invention, is in perfect accordance with that given by the royal author, Abulghazi, and other Mohamedan writers. The details which immediately follow, of the subsequent history of the two tribes, are tolerably in unison with the statements of the Toorki historians, sometimes in their very words. The reader may find a short and neat epitome of this part of the history of the Toorks in the Preliminary Discourse to Mr. Davids' Turkish Grammar. We shall take up the genealogical thread at Chungeez Khan. The remote ancestor of this celebrated personage was Boozungur Khan, the son of Alanko, great-granddaughter of Munguli Khwajeh, eleventh in descent from Moghool. The father of Boozungur was not ascertained, his mother assigning his paternity to a jin. Booka, the son of Boozungur, is the reputed great ancestor of all the kings of Toorkistan; he was the eighth in ascent from Chungeez Khan; the others are Dootmeen, Kaido, Kubul, Kowilai, Boortai, and Yusookai Bahadoor. It was whilst this Khan was on his return from a successful expedition against the Tatars, bearing their chief, Timoochin Ooka, prisoner, that a messenger announced to him the birth of a son, who was destined to re-unite the two tribes, and form a military power that should shake all Asia, and even the kingdoms of Europe. Yusookai determined to give his son the name of Timoochin, because Timoochin Ooka, his Tatar prisoner, was the greatest prince of his time. The date of Timoochin's birth is not accurately known. The work before us records two dates, A.D. 1145 and A.D. 1154, both of which differ from other authorities; "but all agree that he was born with his hands and feet sprinkled with blood," denoting his sanguinary character. He was sixteen when his father died; and by his great skill and bravery, he succeeded in reducing all the Moghool tribes, each of which had a chief of its own, under his own authority. This did not take place, however, till Timoochin was fifty years of age. He was greatly assisted in his measures by Kurachar Noyan, a son of his principal general, and from whom the emperors of Delhi are descended, being related to the family of Chungeez Khan only on the female side. When Timoochin had reduced all the eels and the oolooses of the Moghools and Toorks to obedience, and received the homage of a general assembly (kurultai) of his subjects, whilst seated on his throne, an abdul, or religious mendicant, called Tib Tankri by the Moghools, and Ulunkuj by the Oozbuks, entered the durbar, and reported that he had had a dream, in which the angel Gabriel had informed him that the prince and his posterity would become lords of the greater part of the earth, and that it was the pleasure of the Most High that he should renounce the name of Timoochin and assume that of Chungeez Khan, which signifies king of kings.' This behest was accordingly obeyed, and the prince recommenced on a larger scale his career of conquest. He overran Khatai (China), taking Peking and other cities, and divided his conquests in that country amongst his sons and Kurachar Noyan. He endeavoured, to the utmost of his power, to establish friendship and concord betwixt them; amongst other expedients, he showed the advantage of unanimity by the well-known symbol of a bundle of arrows. Having assembled his sons and relations, he took an arrow from his quiver and broke it; he next took two, and did the same, and went on increasing the number until it was so large that neither he nor any one present could break them in a mass. He then pointed out the analogy of this to their case; observing that, so long as they remained united, they could resist any force, but, divided, they would fall an easy prey to an enemy. Being provoked by an insult offered to him, in the murder of his ambassadors and merchants, by Sultan Mohamed Khorazm Shah, of Iran, Chungeez Khan, in A.H. 615 (A.D. 1218), marched against that state, conquering as he went the kingdoms of Transoxiana, and swelling his army by the junction of many chiefs of tribes. He took Bokhara and Samarkand, and from thence despatched an army into Iran, or Persia, which overran and plundered it, causing Sultan Mohamed to die of grief. This occurred in A.H. 617. Chungeez had now reduced all Mawurunnehr (Transoxiana); he then despatched his sons to conquer Khorazm, advanced with his own forces to Turmuz, which he took by assault, and crossed the Jihoon to Balkh, perpetrating frightful massacres as he went. He deluged the lastnamed city, which remained under water for six months. Meantime, his son, Tooli Khan, marched to Herat, of which he gained possession, sparing the lives of the people, for which he was severely reproached by his merciless father. At length, Julal-ud-deen, son of Mohamed Shah, collected his partizans, and attacked the Moghool troops in Iran, gaining successes over them, and at length giving them a severe defeat. Chungeez, who was in Talikan, in Budakshan, when he heard this intelligence, advanced in person to oppose the young Sultan of Iran, committing dreadful ravages in his way, some marks of which still remain. He marched by Cabul to Ghuzni, whence Julal-ud-deen retired towards Hindustan; and following the sultan with expedition, overtook him on the banks of the Indus, surrounding his army on the land side. The battle, which was desperate and bloody, ended in the defeat and rout of the sultan's troops. The gallant bearing of Julal-uddeen, it is said, pleased Chungeez, who nevertheless put all his male children to death, slew all the prisoners, and threw the spoil into the river. This |