PREFACE TO AN ESSAY ON CIVIL POWER IN THINGS SACRED." THE author of these papers has frequently fallen into company, wherein he had occasion to converse on the topics of liberty and power, both civil and religious: And having never settled and ranged his own ideas and reasonings thereupon in so exact and so harmonious an order as he wished, he some years ago set himself down to try if he could draw out his thoughts into a regular scheme, whereby he might better confirm or correct his own conduct. He then applied himself to a diligent and faithful enquiry, without consulting other authors, how far his own reason would carry him toward the establishment of any certain religion in a country or nation, with a real desire to find a just foundation for it, and try how far it could be brought into form and method. And that he might secure himself the better from all prejudices arising from present establishments, he proposed to himself the idea of a new erected state or government of any kind whatsoever, laying aside all prepos■ssions and influences from the present statutes and customs of men, and from the appearances of things in any nation whatsoever, while he was engaged in these speculations In matters of practice he has always shewn himself on every occasion a constant and sincere friend and faithful subject to our British government; and as he endeavours to pay every one in church and state their due, so he rejoices in the protestant succession to the crown, and the illustrious family which possesses it. And it is the desire of his soul, that our present rightful sovereign, King George the Second, may have every grace and blessing poured down upon his royal person, to render him a long and glorious instrument of divine mercy, to diffuse blessings over the whole protestant world, and particularly over the British nation. As the author abhors the thought of raising seditions in the state under our happy constitution from any pretences either civil or religious, so he has no views of disturbing any character or set of men in those just privileges and possessions which they enjoy by the laws of the land, for he possesses all his own privileges by the same. He is so well convinced of our happy situation above and beyond almost every other nation under heaven, that he does not suppose it can be either proper or lawful for any persons or parties among us to attempt to shake the present foundations of our government, in order to introduce in practice such a scheme of liberty in matters of conscience as these papers may describe in speculation. Surely we value our British constitution and the privileges we enjoy, both civil and sacred, at too high a rate, ever to bring the hazard and loss of them into a competition with any new schemes and models, which may be formed by the warm imagination or doubtful reasonings of men. Yet it may be proper and useful to any man for his own satisfaction to enter into this subject, and to search it through and through, according to his best capacity, that he may form a better judgment of the many late contests in our nation concerning penal laws and tests in civil and religious affairs. The author was very desirous to try "how far his reason could establish a national religion," and adjust and limit the common rights of mankind, both sacred and civil, under this establishment in any country whatsoever, whereiu religion may be professed in varions forms; and at the same time to maintain a perfect consistence with all due liberty of conscience, and support the just authority of supreme rulers. What he had written on this subject he was desired to publish as a matter of further enquiry to those who have thought much on this argument: and perhaps it may serve to lead those who have never much thought of it into a more natural and easy track of thinking and reasoning about it. If any thing in this essay shall prove so happy as to shed one peaceful and serene beam of light upon this dark and noisy controversy, he hopes to find forgiveness and acceptance among his best readers: And he would take pleasure in seeing such light further improved by minds better furnished, till it spread itself into a fair and glorious day. Such a clear and harmonious view of these subjects would do much toward the security and ease of civil government in any particular occurrences, as well as toward the general advantage of true religion and the support of just liberty, which are three of the most valuable privileges of mankind, and the choicest blessings on this side heaven. March 20th, 1738-9. NEW ESSAY ON CIVIL POWER IN THINGS SACRED: OR, An Enquiry after an Established Religion, consistent with the Just Liberties of Mankind, and practicable under every Form of Civil Government. SECTION I-Of the Nature and Ends of Civil Government, with the several kinds of it, and its extent to Religion. 1. THE design of civil government is to secure the persons, the properties, the just liberty and peace of mankind from the invasions and the injuries of their neighbours: Whereas if there were no such thing as government amongst men, the stronger would often make inroads upon the peace and and possessions, the liberties and the lives of those that were weaker; and universal confusion and disorder, mischiefs, murders, and ten thousand miseries would overspread the face of the earth. II. In order to this general good, viz. the preservation of the persons of men with their peace and possessions, mankind have been led by the principles of reason and self-preservation to join themselves in distinct civil societies; wherein as by a compact, expressed or implied, every single person is concerned in the welfare and safety of all the rest, and all engage their assistance to defend any of the rest when their peace or possessions are invaded: so that by this means every single member of the society has the wisdom and strength of the whole engaged for his security and defence. III. To attain this end most happily, different societies have chosen different forms of government, as they thought most conducive to obtain it. 1. Some have deemed it proper to be governed by a single person, and have ventured to put the authority and power of making and executing laws for guarding their persons and properties, and for avenging their injuries, into the hands of a single person; and have obliged themselves to assist and support him in the due exercise of this authority. This is called kingly government or monarchy: And where this kingly power has no limitations, it is called absolute monarchy or sovereignty. 2. Others have committed this same power to the hands of a few great men or nobles, persons of riches, or high birth, or power, or who are supposed to have superior wisdom and influence, who shall act in concert with one another to promote this end. This is called aristocracy; especially when it is agreed that these men shall have their heirs for their successors, or shall have a right to chuse their own successors themselves: for then the people have divested themselves of all share in the govern ment. 3. A third sort have chosen a popular government, that is, where the people themselves meet and make laws, and determine things of importance by a common vote or the sentence of the major part. But where the society is so numerous, that the people cannot all meet together for this end, they have parcelled out themselves into many districts, and chosen particular persons to represent them in each district. Thus the people are said to act and govern themselves by these their representatives, which are chosen anew by the people as often as they think fit, or at annual or any stated seasons which the people agree upon. This is called democracy; and such a state is a proper republic or commonwealth in the strictest sense. 4. There are other societies again, which have made a compound government out of several of these; so the ancient Roman government had the "patres," or "patricii," or senators as their nobility, and yet the plebeians or common people had much share in the government too by their power in chusing · officers, &c. After the year of the city three hundred and eighty seven, the two consuls were generally one patrician and one plebeian. Sometimes there is made a mixture of all these forms of government: Such was the Roman under their Emperors, if not under some of their Kings; at least, there was the appearance of it. But the most regular mixture seems to be that wherein the chosen representatives of the people have their distinct share of government, the nobles or great men have their share, and a single person or the king has his part and share in this authority, and all agreed upon by the whole com munity, or by persons chosen to represent them. This is called a mixed monarchy; and herein these three estates of the kingdom are supposed by mutual assistances and mutual limitations, not only to secure the common peace, the liberty and welfare of the nation from enemies, but to guard it also from any dangerous inroads that might be made upon it by any one of these three powers themselves. Such is the happiness of Great Britain under the King, lords, and commons. IV. Here let it be noted, that whosoever has the power of making laws, whether the king, the nobles, or the people, or all these together, yet still the particular execution of these laws must be committed to many particular magistrates or officers, and they are usually fixed in a subordination to one another, each of them fulfilling their several posts throughout the nation, in order to secure the general peace. V. In all these forms of government there is, as I hinted before, a compact of agreement between the governors and governed, expressed or implied, viz. that the governors shall make it their care and business to protect the people in their lives, liberties and properties, by restraining or punishing those who injure, attack or assault them; and that the governed submit to be punished if any of them are found guilty of these practices: And also that they oblige themselves to pay such homage, honours, and taxes, and yield such assistance to the governors with their natural powers, and their money or possessions, as may best obtain the great ends of government, and the common safety of the whole society. VI. For this purpose therefore, each person by this compact willingly abridges himself of some part of his original liberty or property, for the common service of the society of which he is a member: And he engages himself with his powers and capacities to defend and preserve the peace, and order, and government of the society, so long as he and his fellow-subjects are protected by it, in the enjoyment of all their natural rights and liberties. The very reason of man and the nature of things shew us the necessity of such agreements. VII. From this view of things it appears, that though no particular form of government, besides the ancient Jewish, could claim divine right, yet all government, in general, is originally from God, as he is the author of nature and reason, and the God of order and justice: And every particular government which is agreed upon by men, so far as it retains the original design of government, and faithfully preserves the peace and liberties of mankind, ought to be submitted to, and is supported by the authority of God; for it is God our creator, who by the light of reason hath led mankind into civil government, in order to their mutual help, and preservation, and peace. In this sense it is that the two great apostles Peter and Paul vindicate civil governors, and demand subjection to them from christians; Rom. xiii. 1-4. Let every soul be subject to the higher powers; for there is no power but of God: The porcers that be, are ordained of God. Whosoever therefore resisteth the power, resisteth the ordinance of God, and they that resist shall receive to themselves damnation, that is, are condemned; for rulers are not a terror to good works, but to the evil. 1 Peterii. 13. Submit yourselves to every ordinance of man for the Lord's sake; whether |