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the proposed festivities on the occasion of the 60th birthday of the Empress Dowager, which were abandoned through the outbreak of hostilities with Japan. He came to Peking to some purpose, as his promotion was extraordinarily rapid. In December, 1894, he was appointed Captain-General of the White Banner corps, and he was also given a seat in the Tsungli Yamen. On the 27th June, 1895, Jung Lu was made Inspector-General at Peking, and in this capacity he controlled the Palace gendarmerie. As a reward for his vigilance he was raised in 1896 to the command of the Yellow Banner, as Lieutenant-General, and before the end of the year he became Assistant Grand Secretary. In May, 1898, soon after the death of Prince Kung, Jung Lu was appointed Viceroy of Pe-Chili, and as a final reward after the crushing of the Reform party in September of that year he was nominated Generalissimo of China's armies. There has been nothing like the rapid rise of Jung Lu in modern Chinese history. In four years he has risen from a small mil. itary command in a provincial town to the most important Viceroyship, and the highest military command in the empire. Whether it was his good fortune or his merit who will venture to say?

As to the real sentiments of Jung Lu it is impossible to express an opinion, but the probability is that he is a man in favor of moderation, if not of absolute progress. It seems clearly established that he saved the Emperor's life in September, 1898, and again in January of the present year, opposing with all his weight the extreme counsels of Kang Yi and Li Lien Yin. With regard to the latter, whose death by poison two months ago was the alleged cause of the Empress's outbreak, he and Jung Lu came into collision in 1895 or 1896, while the latter was in charge of the Palace police. The story goes

that the Manchu general caused the Chief of the Eunuchs to be bastinadoed, and that the Empress thereupon banished Jung Lu for ten years, a sentence never carried into execution. The rumors from Peking during the last few weeks all agree in attributing to Jung Lu a wish to protect the Legations and restrain the fury of Prince Tuan and his associates.

Kang Yi, another Manchu, is the next most powerful personage at Peking, and he is as anti-foreign and violent as Prince Tuan. In 1890 he was Gov. ernor of Kiangsu, and three years later his name recurs in the same capacity in Kwangtung. In the autumn of 1894, during the Japanese War, he was summoned to Peking, where he was at once nominated a member of the Grand Council of War. The growth of his influence is well attested by the privilege soon afterwards conferred on him of being allowed to ride on horseback in the Forbidden City. After filling vari. ous offices, Kang Yi was appointed President of the Board of Punishments, and in that capacity he was entrusted with the task of dealing with the party of the Reformer, Kang Yu Wei, when it was thought that they were acquiring too great an ascendancy over the Emperor. H ng arrested the greater number of the Reformers, in September, 1898, the question remained what was to be done with them, and some of the Ministers favored moderate punishment. Kang Yi would listen to no compromise, and, supported by the secret wishes of the Empress Dowager, succeeded in obtaining from the Imperial Council a death sentence. No sooner was this signed than he has. tened with indecent speed to his yamen, and caused the sentence to be executed in his presence.

Kang Yu Wei, the chief Reformer, had, indeed, escaped, but all his property was forfeited, and a sentence of ling-chee, or “the slicing process" was passed on him, and still hangs over his head. For his services on this occasion Kang Yi was made President of the Board of War, and more recently he has been appointed a Grand Secretary. He is the right-hand man of Prince Tuan, and among all the Chinese officials he is the most violent, anti-foreign and bloodthirsty. His reputation was bad before the events of June, for when Chang Yi was appointed Chief Commissioner of Mines in November, 1898, Reuter thought it was Kang Yi who had got the post, and protested against the employment of the butcher of the Reformers. To that black deed he has now added a blacker still.

Yuan Shih Kai comes fourth in the group of Manchus who have played a leading part in Peking events during the last few years.

He is a man of much craft and address, well able to play a double part and to conceal his true mind. He first appeared in Corea, where, as far back as 1885, he took a prominent part in deporting the Corean despot, Tai Wang Kun. He remained in Corea until July, 1894, when he saved himself from capture by the Japanese by making a timely flight, and during that long period he was generally spoken of as “the power behind the Throne." In Tuly, 1897, he reappears as Provincial Judge of the Province of Pe-Chili, and he seems to have held the same post in the summer of 1898, when the Reform movement attracted attention. He played a very important part in the affair, for when the Emperor Kwangsu declared piteously to Kang Yu Wei that he had no soldiers to obey his orders and assert his authority, the Reformer, in an ill-advised moment, recommended him to send for Yuan Shih Kai. Yuan pretended to enter into the plans of the young ruler, and when he knew all he wanted he went straight to the Empress Dowager and told her everything. The collapse of the Reform

movement was due to his treachery, and foreigners will be very foolish if they ever put faith in Yuan, who is a master in the art of duplicity, and whose mendacious telegrams and messages from Tsinan must now be fresh in the public mind. A few months after the suppression of the Reform morement Yuan received his reward in the appointment to the Governorship of Shantung, rendered vacant by the disgrace of Li Ping Heng, at the request of Germany. It will be remembered that Yuan was sent with the nominal instructions to put down the Boxers, but instead of fighting them he allowed them to march for Peking.

Of the Imperial Princes of the First Order, Princes Li, Jui, and Ching, whose names flit across the pages of the Peking Gazette and all of whom are, of course Manchus, Prince Ching is the only one of interest. As Presi. dent of the Tsungli Yamen he gained a high reputation for courtesy and amiability, and he is credited with haying made efforts to restrain the violence of his colleagues. In 1891 he succeeded the late Marquis Tseng as President oi the Admiralty Board, and on February 6th, 1894, he was raised by Imperial Decree from a Prince of the Second to one of the First Order. At the time of the Japanese War he was titular Commander-in-Chief of the Peking army, and he petitioned for leave to lead his forces against the enemy, which was not granted. Whatever his private views, his influence is not great-the Tsungli Yamen being a board with no initiating power, and simply intended to amuse the foreigners, lull them into a condition of sopo rific contentment, and stave off difficulty.

Of the group of generals, Nieh, Ma, Sou, Ikotenga and Tung-the last. named is the most important and formidable. He is neither a Manchu nor a Chinese but an ex-Mahomedan of Central Asia. The names Fu-Hsiang, appearing after Tung, simply: signify General, and the first mention I find of him is in 1890 as Brigadier at Aksu, in Kashgaria. When he next appears on the scene, it is in a more prominent capacity, in July, 1895, as the general to whom is entrusted the task of crushing the Tungan rebellion in the province of Kansuh. The explanation of his turning up at Peking was that during the Japanese War he had brought a considerable force from Central Asia, or the New Dominion, for the defence of the capital. The successes he achieved in this task are fully set forth in the .gazettes of the following, December, and in the spring of 1896 the Mahomedan rising is described officially as being at an end. Tung then returned to Peking, but he was too turbulent and formidable a soldier to be retained in the capital. A special post was, there. fore, improvised for him, and in January, 1898, he left for Pingyang, to take up the command of the troops in the provinces of Shansi, Shensi and Kansuh. There was a report that he had been instructed to prepare Pingyang as a new capital for the dynasty. His return from Pingyang in January last, with 10,000 troops, largely recruited from ex-Mahomedans, was a warning of coming trouble that ought not to have been neglected. Tung is a truculent and ferocious soldier, but there is no reason to believe that he is a capable general, and it is a fact that his success in Kansuh was largely due to one of his subordinates.

Of the other generals named, Nieh is probably the most important, and he is, with some reason, believed to be the friend of Jung Lu. Nieh-Sze-Chengnot to be confounded with Nieh-Chi. Kuei, once Superintendent of Shanghai Arsenal and Taotai of Shanghaiheld a command during the Japanese War, and he was one of the generals who saved their reputation by not be.

ing absolutely beaten. After the war he was made · provincial Commanderin-Chief in Pe-Chili, and entrusted with the control of the Wuyi or foreigndrilled army corps.

This force forms the élite of the Chinese Army, formerly drilled by Germans and lately by Russians, and consists of 30 battalions (15,000 men) of infantry. Its head. quarters are at Lutai, north of Tientsin. It is impossible to resist the conclusion that if Jung Lu and Nieh had been sufficiently energetic and wholehearted, they possessed a sufficient force of disciplined troops to deal with any number of Boxers. On the most favorable supposition it looks as if they were only trimmers.

General Ma is the Ma-yu-Kun who fought by no means badly in the Japanese War at Pingyang, and I believe him to be the son of Ma Julung, a border chief who, after being a Mahomedan, took a prominent part in suppressing the Panthay rebellion in Yunnan. He holds, with General Nieh, a command in the armies around Peking. General, sometimes called Marshal, Sou holds a command on the southern frontier in Kwangsi, and has a good deal to do with the French, by whom he is considered a man of ability. It must be noted to his credit that he has kept a disturbed border, long the home of desperadoes, in a state of marked tranquillity. The last of the generals is Ikotenga, the Manchu Gov. ernor-General of Manchuria, whose name has not yet been mentioned in reference to current events at Peking, but whose influence and reputation are, undoubtedly, great. During the Japanese War he showed no inconsiderable skill, and the Japanese paid him several compliments, among others that of being the first Chinese general to assume the offensive. As Governor-General of Manchuria he has also done extremely well, trebling the revenue in three years. He is probably the ablest

official in China, but it is morally cer- sentative of the Chinese people, betain that the Russians have already cause they do not believe in him, and made sure of his co-operation.

will not have him at any price. There I now come to six great function- are grave reasons for doubting the sinaries all of Chinese race. They are in cerity of his sentiments in favor of their order of importance, Li Hung progress, and after the close of his Chang, Chang Chih Tung, Lin Kun Yi, European tour he became, perhaps Sheng Taotai, Wang Wen Chao and Li through disappointment at its meagre Ping Hien. It may be said that they results, as reactionary as the worst of are all more or less well known among the Tartars. I remember well General Europeans-Li Hung Chang, indeed, Gordon saying to me that if we put Li being known throughout the world. Hung Chang in the place of the Man

It is unnecessary to attempt any de- chus, as was talked of in 1880, we tailed description of Li Hung Chang. should find him more obstructive and Of unrivalled experience, this promi- difficult than the present dynasty. I nent mandarin, who boasts of his five think we should be prepared at any generations of Hanlin ancestors, has moment to see Li Hung Chang range fallen much of late years in general es- himself on the side of the reactionaries timation. Whereas he used to be called and anti-foreigners as soon as he finds the Vice-Emperor, his removal from that matters cannot be patched up by office on September 7th, 1898, was de- one of his favorite make-believes. To scribed as "purifying the Yamen.” whatever side he attaches himself he Among his own countrymen his name will bring little strength. His reputahas become a by-word, and they all at- tion and following are both gone, and tribute to him the fault of China's col- his political like his physical vigor is lapse in 1894-5.

Still more is he now but a wreck. blamed for having signed the 1896 Of Chang Chih Tung, the Viceroy of Secret Treaty with Russia, which was the dual Houkwang province, it is imso soon followed by the loss of Port possible to speak in any terms but Arthur and Talienwan. His appoint- those of respect. He is, however, old ment to the Viceroyalty of Kwangtung and cautious, and although he has latand Kwangsi at Canton was intended terly expressed ideas favorable to foras an honorable retirement, but events eigners and progress, he was during the in the north have made some persons greater part of his career intensely conthink that he might render some useful servative and anti-foreign. In that reservice. This hope must prove falla- spect he was the open opponent of Li cious for other reasons, besides the Hung Chang, with whom he was al. weighty fact that he is in his 78th ways at enmity, but his principal claim year. The great influence he had in to fame was his denunciation of Chung China has waned and almost disap- How's treaty with Russia in 1880. As peared. It was largely due to his skill Viceroy of the Liang Kiang provinces— and success in composing difficulties Kiangsi, Kiangsu and Anhui-be did and arranging compromises with the excellent work at Nanking, restoring Foreign Powers, and the present diffi- the prosperity of that city. In 1889 he culty does not admit of a compromise. came forward as the exponent of the He cannot

the offenders at views of China for the Chinese School Peking from expiating their crimes on in connection with the projected Hanoutraged humanity, and if he cannot kow-Peking railway, and obtained a his services in their eyes are useless. triumph over Li Hung Chang, which Nor can he be of use to us as a repre- seemed dearly purchased when he was

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transferred from Nanking to Hankow -or rather to Wouchang-to build his own railway. He has held the Viceroyalty there during the last eleven years, and his administration has been characterized by honesty and efficiency. In 1897 he took his fellow countrymen into his confidence by publishing a volume of “Essays on Exhortations to Study," in which he showed the imperative necessity for China to change her methods. It was a complete volte face on the part of the lately Chauvinist Governor-General, and made a correspondingly great sensation. The Emperor read the work and distributed 40 copies of it with his own hands. It was the first impulse he received to induce him to take up the question of reform. There are two drawbacks to the value of Chang Chih Tung's possible co-operation besides the fact that he is getting old. His military reforms have been on a limited scale, and he does not possess the available force to take any active part in restoring order outside his provinces where his authority is beyond challenge. Secondly, he retains strong prejudices against foreigners for encouraging the traffic in opium, which he declares is debasing the Chinese people. This grievance occupies a very prominent place in his mind, and merits attention, he might make it the excuse for reverting to an anti-foreign attitude at any moment. The great reputation of Chang Chih Tung would make him a useful ally in any political enterprise in Central China, but at the same time it must be noted that his alliance would not be so easy to obtain as is thought on account of the prejudices and oldfashioned opinions he still retains, despite his having recently become an advocate of progress.

Liu Kun Yi, the other satrap of the Yangste Valley, rules at Nanking, and possesses the greater absolute power of the two. Beside, he is a younger man,

and possesses the energy that characterizes the inhabitants of his native province Hunan. He entered the service in 1861, and is now about 61 or 62. From 1875 to 1879 he first held the Viceroyalty of the Two Kiang, when he was disgraced in an official but not dishonorable sense. Soon afterwards he was appointed to Wouchang, and then, in 1889, he and Chang Chib Tung changed places. There remains this remarkable fact, that during 25 years the greater part of the important Yangtse Valley has been governed by two men. Liu has devoted far more attention to military matters than Chang, and his army of 20,000 men is well trained and well armed. He has also a small fleet, generally designated the Nanking Flotilla. He is supposed to be very well disposed to England, and has often declared his intention of protecting trade and maintaining good relations with us. But it will be prudent to remember that he is, after all, a Chinese Viceroy and not a rebel. The support that is to be looked for from him must, therefore, be only passive and local on the most favorable assumption, and we should always be prepared, in the event of Chinese successes or of delays in the Powers asserting their superiority for these. friendly and progressive Viceroys being carried away by a wave of nationalism. They are, in the first place, natives of China, and members of the oldest and most exclusive Civil Service in the world.

Sheng, Taotai of Shanghai, and Director-General of Railways, is, perhaps, the ablest among the Chinese as Ikotenga is among the Manchus. He is thoroughly unscrupulous, and for craft and cunning not to be approached. As Imperial Commissioner and then Resident in Tibet, he gained as far back as 1890, when he was a young man, a reputation for not neglecting his opportunities, which has adhered to him

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