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literature as Mr. Morley did not forget, recent years, Sir William Harcourt that the speaker was only borrowing a used the phrase in the House of Comphrase from Sir Walter. “My fate calls mons in reference to a prominent Libme elsewhere,” says Halbert Glenden- eral Unionist. He was comically ning, in The Monastery, "to scenes made, by one reporter, to say, “I'll unwhere I shall end

it or mend it." wig the gentleman for the rest of his "Property has its duties as well as its life." Sir Francis Burdett began his rights,” first appeared in a public letter fifty years of Parliamentary life as a addressed by Thomas Drummond, Un- Radical and ended it as a Conservative. der Secretary for Ireland in the Mel- In the course of an attack which he bourne Administration, to the Tipper- made on a bill of the Liberal Governary landlords in 1838, in reply to their ment in his Conservative days, he stig. application to the Government for the matized “the cant of patriotism;" the aid of the military in the collection of phrase was happy, but it left its author, their rents. One of the most quoted of the whilom patriot, open to as clever a all sayings, “The schoolmaster is retort as the House of Commons has abroad,” we owe to Brougham. In a ever heard. “There is something worse speech on education, delivered in 1820, than the cant of patriotism," said Lord he used the following eloquent passage: John Russell, in reply, "and that is the "Let the soldier be abroad if he will; recant of patriotism." The readiness he can do nothing in this age. There of the retort, and its personal appositeis another personage abroad, a person ness greatly excited the House, which less imposing, in the eyes of some, rang with cheers and laughter for sevperhaps insignificant. The schoolmas- eral minutes. Mr. Gladstone is said to ter is abroad, and I trust to him, have declared that no cleverer retort armed with his primer, against the than this was ever made. soldier in full military array." Broug- Mr. Gladstone himself has enriched ham was also the originator of the our political colloquialisms with such phrase, “The pursuit of knowledge un- useful and striking phrases as “The der difficulties.” “A revolution by due flowing tide is with us," "Political econcourse of law” was Wellington's happy omy is banished to Saturn,” "It addescription of the Reform Act of 1832. vances by leaps and bounds," "Within "I'll un-Whig that gentleman" is one measurable distance," “Within the of Pitt's sayings. During the mental range of practical politics," "Our incapacity of George the Third the friends across the seas," "The ringing Whigs maintained that the Prince of of the Chapel bell” (a rather unfortuWales had the absolute right to assume nate reference to the attempt of the the Regency, having every reason to Fenians to blow up Clerkenwell prison), believe that one of his earliest actions and "a Nation rightly struggling to be in the exercise of the royal prerogative free" (applied, strange to say, to the would be the substitution of a Whig Mahdists). His also was the happy for a Tory Administration. When Fox phrase, “Greater freedom and less repropounded in the House of Commons sponsibility.” On being called to acthis theory which, to say the least, was count in the Parliament of 1880-85 for not quite in accord with Whig prin- some uncomplimentary expressions he ciples, Pitt slapped his thigh trium- had used towards Austria before he phantly, and, turning to a colleague came into office, he pleaded in extenuwho sat beside him on the Treasury ation that when he uttered the words Bench, he exclaimed, “I'll un-Whig the he occupied “a position of greater freegentleman for the rest of his life." In dom and less responsibility.” The famous watchword, "the Masses against Man was first used by the Emperor the Classes,” was first uttered by Glad- Nicholas of Russia, when discussing stone in a speech at Liverpool, on June Turkish affairs in January, 1853, with 28th, 1896. "I will venture to say,” he Sir Hamilton Seymour, the English amcried, "that upon one great class of bassador. “We have on our hands," subjects, the largest and most weighty said Nicholas, “a sick man, a very sick of all, when the determining considera- man; it will be, I tell you frankly, a tions that ought to lead to a conclusion great misfortune if, one of these days, are truth, justice and humanity,-upon he should slip away from us, especially these, gentlemen, all the world over, I before all necessary arrangements are will back the Masses against the made." But perhaps the most strikClasses." The celebrated phrase "an ing phrase coined in this connection is old Parliamentary Hand” was happily Carlyle's “unspeakable Turk.” applied by Mr. Gladstone to himself in "I may say that I have myself been the House of Commons, January 22nd, credited with the invention of the 1886, on the opening of a new Parlia- phrase 'Home-Rule,'” writes the Hon. ment. "I stand here," he said, "as a George Brodrick (Warden of Merton member of the House where there are College) in his “Memories and Impresmany who have taken their seats for sions:" "nor is it easy to find authorthe first time upon these benches, and ity for it earlier than an article of mine where there may be some to whom, speaking of a 'Home-Rule Party,' which possibly, I may avail myself of the appeared in The Times on February privilege of old age to offer a recom- 9th, 1871, and another article of mine mendation. I would tell them of my on the past and future relations of Ireown intention to keep my counsel and land to Great Britain, which appeared reserve my own freedom, until I see in Macmillan's Magazine for the folthe occasion when there may be a lowing May.” Mr. Brodrick, however, prospect of public benefit in endeavor- does not believe that he coined the ing to make a movement forward, and phrase, the context of the aforesaid I will venture to recommend them, as articles showing, indeed, that he was an old Parliamentary hand, to do the using a term “almost current" at the same." The authorship of “bag and time. The phrase has also been attribbaggage" has also been imputed to Mr. uted to Isaac Butt. It really owes its Gladstone. But with him, in this case, origin to the Reverend Joseph Allen it was simply the apt application of an Galbraith, a distinguished Fellow of old phrase, expressing what his follow- Trinity College, and Professor in the ers wanted to express, with the utmost University of Dublin, who was, with force and in a way that everybody Butt, one of the founders of the Irish could understand. He called for the Home Government association in 1871. expulsion from Europe of the official Mr. Galbraith used the words at a Turk “bag and baggage,” thus giving meeting of that association in Wicklow the phrase an extensive currency in Street, Dublin, for the first time in the world of politics. The phrase has, 1870. Butt, in a speech at the Home however, been in existence for ages. Rule Conference in Dublin, in NovemTouchstone, for instance, says to Corin ber, 1873, referred to the expression in ("As You Like It," iii, 2): "Come, shep- terms which show that he had no claim herd, let us make an honorable re- to be its inventor. "Over a torn and treat; though not with bag and bag- distracted country," he said, “a coungage, yet with scrip and scrippage.” try agitated with dissension, weak. The description of Turkey as the Sick ened by distrust, is raised the banner

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on which were emblazoned the magic and the settlement of Ireland, having words Home-Rule. Wherever the legend been often heard to say, before he was we had emblazoned in its folds was judge, that he would drive a coach and seen the heart of the people moved to six horses through the Act of Settleits words, and the soul of the nation ment." Popular agitation which was felt their power and their spell." It is happily described by Peel—the first curious that the phrase has now be- English statesman to yield to its prescome the accepted description of auton- sure-as "the marshalling of the conomy all over the world. "Found salva- science of a nation to mould its laws," tion” was used by Sir Henry Campbell- was the invention of O'Connell; and Bannerman as a humorous explanation here are three sayings of the great of his adoption of Mr. Gladstone's Irish tribune, which contain practically Home-Rule policy in 1885, on being his whole political philosophy as offered the post of Secretary for War. constitutional agitator: "Nothing is poHe is also the author of the happy litically right which is morally wrong," term Ulsteria as a description of the

"He who commits a crime gives Orange demonstrations against Home- strength to the enemy," "No political Rule in the North of Ireland. The reform is worth a drop of human term “Nonconformist Conscience" was blood." "Repeal the Union! Restore first used in the letter of “A Wesleyan the Heptarchy as soon!” exclaimed Minister” to The Times, on November George Canning in the House of Com28th, 1890, demanding the uncondi- mons in 1812, during a speech supporttional abdication of Mr. Parnell, and

ing Catholic Emancipation. his immediate retirement from Parlia- The evolution of the word Jingoism, mentary life. "Nothing less will satisfy to express strong, warlike feelings or the Nonconformist Conscience now," ultra-patriotic sentiments, for which said the writer. The Times in the same

Chauvinism does duty in France, is issue referred in its leading columns to in these times peculiarly interesting. "what a correspondent calls the Non- The popular derivation, of course, is conformist Conscience," and after- from a couplet in a song which was wards repeated the phrase on many oc

a great favorite at the music-halls in casions. Other papers followed suit, 1877, when some trouble seemed likely

to arise with Russia over her war with and the expression soon passed into the list of current political colloquialisms.

Turkey. Another useful phrase, arising out of

We don't want to fight, but by Jingo, the Irish Controversy, is the “Killing

if we do, Home-Rule by kindness" by Mr. Gerald

We have the men, we have the ships, Balfour. Daniel O'Connell used to

we have the money too. boast that he would "drive a coach and six through any Act of Parliament." But according to an explanation in The origin of the phrase is in the “Me- The Times, which appeared while this moirs of Ireland,” published anony- song was in vogue, Jingo was a direct mously in 1718, but commonly attrib- descendant of the Persian Jang, meanuted to Oldmixon. In speaking of ing war, and the phrase "By Jingo" an Stephen Rice, who was made Chief equivalent for “By Mars." According Baron of the Irish Exchequer by James to that erudite poet, Thomas Ingoldsby, the Second in 1686, and was removed Jingo is no more than a popular corrupby William in 1690, Oldmixon says: tion of the name of the worthy saint "He distinguished himself by his invet- Gengulphus; but I have also seen it eracy against the Protestant interest explained as the Basuto for evil. The

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first political use of the phrase, how- Tierney, the Whig leader had said: ever, was in a letter, with the heading "The duty of an Opposition is "The Jingoes in the Park," written by threefold, never to oppose, never Mr. George Jacob Holyoake, and pub- to propose, and to turn out the Gov. lished in The Daily News of March ernment”-an excellent piece of ad13th, 1878, while the word Jingoism vice, indeed, for the political party figured in a leading article in the same which finds itself on the left of Mr. journal in 1879.

Speaker. It was George Canning, of course, “Red Tape," as a description of Dewho, as Foreign Secretary in the Liver- partmental pedantry and delay, was pool Administration by recognizing the brought into circulation by Dickens. It South American republics, "called in was suggested to him, of course, by the the New World to redress the balance red tape used in tying up packages in of the Old," and likewise, of course,- Government offices. In "Little Dorrit," though the conjunction may appear published in 1855, Dickens refers to strange-"three acres and a cow,” the the "form-filling, corresponding, minutRadical panacea for the labor difficulty ing, memorandum-making, signing, in agricultural districts, belongs to Mr. counter-signing, counter-counter-signJesse Collings. But the origin of "De- ing backwards and forwards, and refence not Defiance" is not so well ferring sideways, crosswise and zigknown. It was first suggested as the zag" business done by the Circumlocumotto of the Manchester Volunteers in tion Office. As a result of this "an in1860 by Mr. John Marsh, a local jour- genious gentleman connected with the nalist, and a member of the corps. At Department" made the remarkable disthis time there was much jealousy in covery that “the sheets of foolscap it France at the existence of the Volun- had devoted to the public service would teers in England, but the Emperor Na- pave the footways on both sides of Oxpoleon in a speech on military questions ford Street from end to end, and leave soon afterwards, said: "We cannot find nearly a quarter of a mile to spare for fault with a nation which has enrolled the Park (immense cheering and laughher citizens for defence, not defiance." ter), while of tape-red tape—it had The National Rifle Association after- used enough to stretch in graceful feswards adopted the motto. "Peace, Re- toons from Hyde Park Corner to the trenchment and Reform" is the motto General Post-Office." This mention of of the Cobden Club. “Peace and Re- red tape at the time of a Commission form" was the old Liberal watchword, of Inquiry into the mismanagement of and to it Joseph Hume, the celebrated the Crimean War immortalized the economist, added the middle word, phrase. Carlyle's description of Govretrenchment. It was Mr. John Bright ernment officials, as "doleful creatures who used the expression, "The great in a jungle of red tape, deaf or nearly bulk of the nation do not live in man- so to human reason," is well-known. sions, they live in cottages." The "Iron-bound in red tape" was an Irish phrase "masterly inactivity," expres- member's description of the condition sive of so much prudence and caution of the Chief Secretary. "Platform," and advantageous inertness in politi- as a description of the program of a cal affairs, was coined by Sir James party or of a candidate, is often thought Mackintosh. "It is the duty of the to be American, but it is really of very Opposition to oppose,” said Lord Ran- ancient and highly respectable English dolph Churchill some twenty years ago; origin. It is a revival of the old verb, but sixty years before Lord Randolph, platformed, meaning to lay down prin

ciples. Milton, in his controversial work, “Reason of Church Govern. ment,” says that some people "Do not think it for the ease of their inconsequent opinions to grant that Church Discipline is platformed in the Bible.”

“The policy of pin-pricks" is the most expressive and useful phrase that has, for a long time, been added to our political currency. It arose out of the recent difference between France and England, and had a French origin. Mr. Chamberlain first drew attention to it in this country in a speech at Manchester, on November 10th, 1898. He said: “Let me read you one short extract from Le Matin, a French paper published in Paris. They say: 'We (the French] have inaugurated the policy of playing tricks on Great Britain-a policy which had no definite object, and which was bound to turn out badly. We now find ourselves confronted by a people who have at last been exasperated by the continual pin-pricks which we have given them.' I venture to say that that is absolutely true." The article in Le Matin, which was signed, appeared on November 8th. “The policy of pin-pricks” has since been frequently used in the newspapers and by speakers on public platforms, and is, indeed, a striking contribution to the common stock of our political phrases.

Coming to party names, we find that most of them were originally terms of derision or abuse. “Whig” and “Tory," which for generations have been proudly borne by the two great and permanent political parties in the State, were at first contemptuous nicknames. "Tory" was first applied, according to Macaulay, to those who “refused to concur in excluding James the Second from the throne.” It was the most approbrious term which Titus Oates could apply to the disbelievers in his Popish Plot. But there had been an earlier application of it as a description of the Irish

LIVING AGE. VOL. VIII. 404

who remained faithful to the Stuarts during the Commonwealth. It is derived from the Gaelic words, Tar a Ri, meaning, “Come, oh King!” and was constantly in the mouths of the Irish Loyalists; but in the years following the Revolution, bands of outlaws who had fought for James, and were at large among the mountains, were called Rapparees or Tories, and hence the term was imported to England as a nickname for the adherents of the Stuarts. To return the compliment, the Tories borrowed another Gaelic word, "Whig," used in Scotland to de. scribe, first, horse and cattle thieves, secondly, the adherents of the Presby. terian cause in the middle of the seventeenth century, and bestowed it upon their opponents. Gilbert Burnet, Bishop of Salisbury, the Whig politician and historian, writing of the period after the Revolution, says, in reference to the term: “From Scotland the word was brought into England, where it is now one of our unhappy terms of disunion;" and Swift, in 1725, wrote: "There is hardly a Whig in Ireland who would allow a potato and buttermilk to a reputed Tory," which could hardly be exceeded as a description of strong partizan feeling.

Some years ago a controversy rose in the newspapers as to the meaning of "Whig,” and other ingenious derivations were suggested. One was that it was a Scottish term equivalent to our "whey," and implied a taunt against the "sour-milk faces" of the Western lowlanders. Another writer derived it from the initials of the motto of the Scottish Covenanters, “We hope in God;" but dealing with the latter suggestion, a Tory paper unkindly asserted that the motto of the Whig party was, “We believe in gold.” According to Gilbert Burnet it was derived from a cant word, whiggam, used by the Scotch peasants in driving their horses.

During the negotiations in 1852 be

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