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ery minority in the memory of man; namely, that it was ocured by unwarrantable influences and corruptions. We nnot, indeed, blame you for being angry at those, who ve set such a round price upon your
head. Your accusaon of our high court of parliament puts us in mind of a ory, often told among us freeholders, concerning a rattlecained young fellow, who being indicted for two or three ranks upon the highway, told the judge he would swear the eace against him, for putting him in fear of his life. The next grievance is such a one, that we are amazed how could come into your head. Your words are as follow. Whilst the principal powers engaged in the late wars, do joy the blessings of peace, and are attentive to discharge eir debts, and ease their people, Great Britain, in the idst of peace, feels all the load of war. New debts are mtracted, new armies are raised at home, Dutch forces are ought into these kingdoms.” What in the name of wonder - you mean ? Are you in earnest, or do you design to unter us? Whom is the nation obliged to, for all this load
war that it feels ? Had you been wise enough to have ept at Bar-le-duc in a whole skin, we should not bave conacted new debts, raised new armies, or brought over Dutch rces to make an example of you. The most pleasant grievance is still behind, and, indeed, a est proper one to close up this. “King George has taken ssession of the duchy of Bremen, whereby a door is opened let in an inundation of foreigners from abroad, and to rece these nations to the state of a province to one of the ost inconsiderable provinces of the empire." And do you en really believe the mob-story, that King George designs
make a bridge of boats from Hanover to Wapping? We ould have you know, that some of us read Baker's Chrone, and do not find that William the Conqueror ever thought
making England a province to his native duchy of Norandy, notwithstanding it lay so much more convenient for at purpose : nor that King James the First had ever any ought of reducing this nation to the state of a province to s ancient kingdom of Scotland, though it lies upon the me continent, But pray how comes it to pass that the ectorate of Hanover is become all of a sudden one of the ost inconsiderable provinces of the empire ? If you underlue it upon the account of its religion, you have some rea
son for what you say; though you should not think we are such strangers to maps,
and live so much out of the world, as to be ignorant that it is for power and extent the second Protestant state in Germany; and whether you know it or no, the Protestant religion in the empire is looked upon as a sufficient balance against Popery. Besides, you should have considered, that in your declaration upon the king's coming to the throne of Great Britain, you endeavoured to terrify us from receiving him, by representing him “as a powerful foreign prince, supported by a numerous army of his own subjects." Be that as it will, we are no more afraid of being a province to Hanover, than the Hanoverians are apprehensive of being a province to Bremen.
We have now taken notice of those great evils which you are come to rescue us from; but as they are such as we have neither felt or seen, we desire you will put yourself to no further trouble for our sakes.
You afterwards begin a kind of Te Deum, before the time, in that remarkable sentence,“ We adore the wisdom of the Divine Providence, which has opened a way to our restoration, by the success of those very measures that were laid to disappoint us for ever." We are at a loss to know what
you mean by this devout jargon; but by what goes before and follows, we suppose it to be this : that the coming of King George to the crown has made many malecontents, and by that means opened a way to your restoration; whereas, you should consider, that, if he had not come to the crown, the way had been open of itself. In the same pious paragraph, “ You most earnestly conjure us to pursue those methods for your restoration, which the finger of God seems to point out
Now the only methods which we can make use of for that end, are civil war, rapine, bloodshed, treason, and perjury; methods which we Protestants do humbly conceive can never be pointed out to us by the finger of God.
The rest of your declaration contains the encouragements you give us to rebel. First, you promise to share with us “all dangers and difficulties” which we shall meet with in this worthy enterprise. You are very much in the right of it; you have nothing to lose, and hope to get a crown; we do not hope for any new freeholds, and only desire to keep what we have. As, therefore, you are in the right to undergo dangers and difficulties to make yourself our master, we
nall think ourselves as much in the right to undergo dangers nd difficulties to hinder you from being so. 1
Secondly, You promise to “refer your and our interest to Scotch parliament,” which you are resolved to call immeiately. We suppose you mean if the frost holds. But, sir, e are certainly informed there is a parliament now sitting
Westminster, that are busy at present in taking care both f the Scotch and English interest, and have actually done verything which you would“ let” be done by our representtives in the Highlands.
Thirdly, “You promise that if we will rebel for you against ur present sovereign, you will remit and discharge all crimes f high treason, misprision, and all other crimes and offences -hatsoever, done or committed against you or your
father.” ut will you answer in this case, that King George will forGive us ? Otherwise we beseech you to consider what poor
ort it would be for a British freeholder to be conveyed p Holborn with your pardon in his pocket. And here we annot but remark, that the conditions of
par. on are so stinted, as to show that you are very cautious est your good nature should carry you too far. You exlude from the benefit of it all those who do not," from the Eme of your landing, lay hold on mercy, and return to their uty and allegiance.” By this means all neuters and lookersn are to be executed of course ; and by the studied ambiuity in which you couch the terms of your gracious pardon, ou still leave room to gratify yourself in all the pleasures of yranny and revenge.
Upon the whole, we have so bad an opinion of rebellion, 3 well as of your motives to it, and rewards for it, that you nay rest satisfied there are few freeholders on this side the orth who will engage in it; and we verily believe that you rill suddenly take a resolution in your cabinet of Highlandrs to scamper off with your new crown, which we are told he ladies of those parts have so generously clubbed for. and you may assure yourself that it is the only one you are ke to get by this notable expedition.
And so we bid you eartily farewell. Dated Jan. 19, in the second year of
our public happiness. * The honest freeholders conclude too fast in this place. The inference om their own premises is only this, We shall think ourselves as much in re right to undergo no dangers and difficulties to assist you in being so.
No. 10. MONDAY, JANUARY 23.
Potior visa est periculosa libertas quieto servitio. Sall. ONE may
venture to affirm, that all honest and disinterested Britons of what party soever, if they understood one another, are of the same opinion in points of government; and that the gross of the people, who are imposed upon by terms which they do not comprehend, are Whigs in their hearts. are made to believe, that passive obedience and non-resistance, unlimited power and indefeasible right, have something of a venerable and religious meaning in them ; whereas in reality they only imply that a king of Great Britain has a right to be a tyrant, and that his subjects are obliged in conscience to be slaves. Were the case truly and fairly laid before them, they would know, that when they make a profession of such principles, they renounce their legal claim to liberty and property, and unwarily submit to what they really abhor.
It is our happiness, under the present reign, to hear our king from the throne exhorting us to be “ zealous assertors of the liberties of our country;" which exclude all pretensions to an arbitrary, tyrannic, despotic power. Those who have the misfortune to live under such a power, have no other law but the will of their prince, and consequently no privileges, but what are precarious. For though in some arbitrary governments there may be a body of laws observed in the ordinary forms of justice, they are not sufficient to secure any rights to the people; because they may be dispensed with, or laid aside, at the pleasure of the sovereign.
And here it very much imports us to consider, that arbitrary power naturally tends to make a man a bad sovereign, who might possibly have been a good one, had he been invested with an authority limited and circumscribed by laws. None can doubt of this tendency in arbitrary power, who consider, that it fills the mind of man with great and unreasonable conceits of himself; raises him into a belief that he is of a superior species to his subjects; extinguishes in him the principle of fear, which is one of the greatest motives to all duties; and creates an ambition of magnifying himself, by the exertion of such a power in all its instances. So great
the danger, that when the sovereign can do what he will, e will do what he can.
One of the most arbitrary princes in our age was Muley shmael, emperor of Morocco, who, after a long reign, died Dout a twelvemonth ago. This prince was a man of much it and natural sense, of an active temper, undaunted courge, and great application. He was a descendant of Mahomet; nd so exemplary for his adherence to the law of his prophet, at he abstained all his life from the taste of wine; began e annual fast, or Lent of Ramadan, two months before his ubjects; was frequent in his prayers; and that he might not ant opportunities of kneeling, had fixed in all the spacious urts of his palace large consecrated stones pointing towards ne east, for any occasional exercise of his devotion. What Light not have been hoped from a prince of these endowents, had they not been all rendered useless and ineffectual
the good of his people by the notion of that power which ey ascribed to him! This will appear, if we consider how e exercised it towards his subjects in those three great oints which are the chief ends of government, the preseryaon of their lives, the security of their fortunes, and the derminations of justice between man and man.
Foreign envoys, who have given an account of their audiaces, describe this holy man mounted on horseback in an en court, with several of his Alcaydes, or governors of covinces, about him, standing barefoot, trembling, bowing
the earth, and at every word he spoke breaking out into assionate exclamations of praise, as, “ Great is the wisdom E our lord the king; our lord the king speaks as an angel om heaven.” Happy was the man among them, who was
much a favourite as to be sent on an errand to the most mote street in his capital; which he performed with the
eatest alacrity, ran through every puddle that lay in his ay, and took care to return out of breath and covered with rt, that he might show himself a diligent and faithful minisr. His Majesty at the same time, to exhibit the greatness
his power, and show his horsemanship, seldom dismissed e foreigner from his presence, till he bad entertained him ith the slaughter of two or three of his liege subjects, whom e very dexterously put to death with the tilt of his lance. -. Olon, the French envoy, tells us, that when he had his st audience of him, he received him in robes just stained