The opinions of Burke upon this period. 273

in a great measure too, the first races of the English, was completely accomplished. The new interest was settled with as solid a stability as any thing in human affairs can look for. All the penal laws of that unparalleled code of oppression, which were made after the last eyent, were manifestly the effects of national hatred and scorn towards a conquered people, whom the victors delighted to trample upon, and were not at all afraid to provoke. They were not the effects of their fears but of their security. They who carried on this system looked to the irresistible force of Great Britain for their support in their acts of power. They were quite certain that no complaints of the natives would be heard on this side of the water with any other sentiments than those of contempt and indignation. Their cries served only to augment their torture. Machines which could answer their purposes so well must be of an excellent contrivance. Indeed, at that time in England the double name of the complainants, Irish and Papists, (it would be hard to say singly which was the most odious,) shut up the hearts of every one against them. Whilst that temper prevailed in all its force to a time within our memory, every measure was pleasing and popular just in proportion as it tended to harrass and ruin a set of people who were looked upon to be enemies to God and man; and indeed, as a race of bigoted savages, who were a disgrace to human nature itself."

274 Interference of the English legislature.

There can be little doubt that these strong feelings of prejudice, nourished in Ireland by the continual dread of catholic ascendancy, and prevailing in England from ignorance and bigotry, operated in the production of measures injurious to the former country and disgraceful to the latter. The first instance that presents itself is the open 'violation of the articles of Limerick, especially the first; for scarcely two months after their signature the lords justices and General Ginckle acted in a way which shewed their contempt of public faith, and their determination to render those articles as little beneficial as possible. justices of the peace," says Harris, in his Life of King William," sheriffs, and other magistrates, presuming on their power in the country, did, in an illegal manner, dispossess several of their majesties' subjects, not only of their goods and chattels, but of their lands and tenements, to the great disturbance of the peace of the kingdom, subversion of the law, and reproach of their majesties' government.'

"The

The next step which was taken to alienate the affections and to provoke the resentment of the Irish people, as well protestants as catholics, was the interference of the English legislature to enact laws for Ireland. Thus in the year 1691, before any Irish parliament was assembled, the English parliament passed an act to alter the laws of Ireland in a case which involved the most essential rights of the subject. This act (the 3d W. and

The Secret Proclamation of William. 275

M. c. 2.) was entitled "An Act for abrogating the Oath of Supremacy in Ireland, and appointing other Oaths," which oaths were of such a nature that they accomplished what it was intended to accomplish, the exclusion of catholics from the Irish parliament. There is no doubt that in the passing of this act, William was controuled by his ̧ parliament; for his own tolerant disposition would have led him to a different proceeding. This may be fairly inferred from a well-attested historical fact. When William was anxious to conclude the war in Ireland, that he might be able to apply the military force there to his continental views, and especially in Flanders, he instructed the lords commissioners to issue a proclamation, offering the following conditions to the catholics. 1. The free exercise of their religion; 2. Half the churches of the kingdom; 3. Half the employments civil and military, if they pleased; 4. The moiety of their ancient properties. This proclamation was actually printed, but the decisive battle of Aghrim gave fresh hopes to the lords justices, and they withheld the publication of it, whence it has been called the Secret Proclamation. The subsequent events at Limerick rendered its employment unnecessary, and the whole was carefully destroyed; not, however, so effectually as to prevent the knowledge of the transaction coming down to posterity, and affording another instance that William was, by disposition, tolerant, though his parliament and ministers were

276 Lord Sydney calls a Parliament in Ireland. not so. The offer of these conditions also affords a curious and important answer to the cavils about the coronation oath during some recent discussions upon the catholic claims: that coronation oath William had taken; but upon the most sincere and candid interpretation of it he saw nothing that bound him down to intolerance and persecution.

At length, in 1692, a parliament was convened in Ireland by Lord Sydney, who had been appointed lord-lieutenant, because supplies were necessary, and the English government did not venture to be quite so arbitrary as to tax the Irish by its own acts. They attempted, however, to do something not much better. They originated two money bills, (a direct violation of the rights of the Irish parliament,) and transmitted them from England to be laid before the Irish commons. They had virtue enough, however, to mark their resentment at this proceeding by rejecting one of the money bills, and passing the other only on account of the extreme urgency of the case. At the same time they entered on their journals their reason for rejecting the one, "because it had not originated in the house of commons;" and in passing the other they recorded their declaratory vote, "that it was and is the sole and undoubted right of the commons to prepare heads of bills for raising money." Sydney was not very well pleased with these proceedings, and when he prorogued the parliament in November, he reproached them

Haughtiness of Sydney towards the parliament. 277 with having undutifully and ungratefully invaded the royal prerogative. The parliament were ob sequious enough to request leave to send commissioners to their majesties to explain their conduct. They were told by Lord Sydney, "that they might go to England to beg their majesties' pardon for their seditious and riotous assemblies." This was not more than they deserved for throwing a doubt upon their own rights by craving leave to explain them; but it does not diminish the odious arrogance of Lord Sydney, who likewise went so far as to enter his protest against their claim of right with respect to the originating of money bills, and procured, in his favour, the opinion of the judges, who pronounced the conduct of the commons in this case a breach of Poyning's law. After some further prorogations the parliament was dissolved, to the great disappointment of the public, as bills of importance were thus frustrated, and many grievances were left unredressed. Lord Sydney became deservedly unpopular, and he was accordingly recalled, as the disaffection of the Irish was yet too recent in the memory of the English government to venture to provoke them by compelling them to endure a lord-lieutenant who was so odious.

Upon his return, three lords justices were appointed, viz. Lord Capel, Sir Cyril Wyche, and Mr. Duncombe. But they were not unanimous. The first was resolved to maintain the evasion of the articles of Limerick, while the latter were