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coming over; signifying only to the king in the wherewith he was charged, nor endeavoured much

mean time, that he doubted there were some greater ones in the business, whereof he would give the king further account when he came to his presence.

Upon Allhallows-day-even, being now the tenth year of the king's reign, the king's second son Henry was created Duke of York; and as well the duke, as divers others, noblemen, knights bachelors, and gentlemen of quality, were made knights of the Bath according to the ceremony. Upon the morrow after twelfth-day, the king removed from Westminster, where he had kept his Christmas, to the Tower of London. This he did as soon as he had advertisement that Sir Robert Clifford, in whose bosom or budget most of Perkin's secret were laid up, was come into England. And the place of the Tower was chosen to that end, that if Clifford should accuse any of the great ones, they might, without suspicion or noise, or sending abroad of warrants, be presently attached; the court and prison being within the cincture of one wall. After a day or two, the king drew unto him a selected council, and admitted Clifford to his presence; who first fell down at his feet, and in all humble manner craved the king's pardon; which the king then granted, though he were indeed secretly assured of his life before. Then commanded to tell his knowledge, he did amongst many others, of himself not interrogated, appeach Sir William Stanley, the lord chamberlain of the king's household. The king seemed to be much amazed at the naming of this lord, as if he had heard the news of some strange and fearful prodigy. To hear a man that had done him service of so high a nature, as to save his life, and set the crown upon his head; a man, that enjoyed, by his favour and advancement, so great a fortune both in honour and riches; a man, that was tied unto him in so near a band of alliance, his brother having married the king's mother; and lastly, a man, to whom he had committed the trust of his person, in making him his chamberlain; that this man, noways disgraced, noways discontent, noways put in fear, should be false unto him. Clifford was required to say over again and again the particulars of his accusation; being warned, that in a matter so unlikely, and that concerned so great a servant of the king's, he should not in any wise go too far. But the king finding that he did sadly and constantly, without hesitation or varying, and with those civil protestations that were fit, stand to that he had said, offering to justify it upon his soul and life; he caused him to be removed. And after he had not a little bemoaned himself unto his council there present, gave order that Sir William Stanley should be restrained in his own cnamber where he lay before, in the square tower: and the next day he was examined by the lords. Upon his examination he denied little of that

to excuse or extenuate his fault: so that, not very wisely, thinking to make his offence less by confession, he made it enough for condemnation. It was conceived, that he trusted much to his former merits, and the interest that his brother had in the king. But those helps were over-weighed by divers things that made against him, and were predominant in the king's nature and mind. First, an over-merit: for convenient merit, unto which reward may easily reach, doth best with kings. Next the sense of his power; for the king thought, that he that could set him up, was the more dangerous to pull him down. Thirdly, the glimmering of a confiscation; for he was the richest subject for value in the kingdom; there being found in his castle of Holt forty thousand marks in ready money and plate, besides jewels, household-stuff, stocks upon his grounds, and other personal estate, exceeding great. And for his revenue in land and fee, it was three thousand pounds a year of old rent, a great matter in those times. Lastly, the nature of the time; for if the king had been out of fear of his own estate, it was not unlike he would have spared his life. But the cloud of so great a rebellion hanging over his head, made him work sure. Wherefore after some six weeks' distance of time, which the king did honourably interpose, both to give space to his brother's intercession, and to show to the world that he had a conflict with himself what he should do; he was arraigned of high treason, and condemned, and presently after beheaded.

Yet is it to this day left but in dark memory, both what the case of this noble person was, for which he suffered; and what likewise was the ground and cause of his defection, and the alienation of his heart from the king. His case was said to be this: That in discourse between Sir Robert Clifford and him he had said, "That if he were sure that that young man were King Edward's son, he would never bear arms against him." This case seems somewhat a hard case, both in respect of the conditional, and in respect of the other words. But for the conditional, it seemeth the judges of that time, who were learned men, and the three chief of them of the privy council, thought it was a dangerous thing to admit ifs and ands, to qualify words of treason; whereby every man might express his malice, and blanch his danger. And it was like to the case, in the following times, of Elizabeth Barton, the holy maid of Kent; who had said, "That if King Henry the Eighth did not take Catherine his wife again, he should be deprived of his crown, and die the death of a dog." And infinite cases may be put of like nature; which, it seemeth, the grave judges taking into consideration, would not admit of treasons upon condition. And as for the positive words, "That he would not bear arms against King Edward's son;" though the words

seem calm, yet it was a plain and direct overruling of the king's title, either by the line of Lancaster, or by act of parliament; which, no doubt, pierced the king more than if Stanley had charged his lance upon him in the field. For if Stanley would hold that opinion, that a son of King Edward had still the better right, he being so principal a person of authority and favour about the king, it was to teach all England to say as much. And therefore, as those times were, that speech touched the quick. But some writers do put this out of doubt; for they say, that Stanley did expressly promise to aid Perkin, and sent him some help of treasure.

Now for the motive of his falling off from the king; it is true, that at Bosworth-field the king was beset, and in a manner enclosed round about by the troops of King Richard, and in manifest danger of his life; when this Stanley was sent by his brother, with three thousand men to his rescue, which he performed so, that King Richard was slain upon the place. So as the condition of mortal men is not capable of a greater benefit than the king received by the hands of Stanley; being, like the benefit of Christ, at once to save and crown. For which service the king gave him great gifts, made him his counsellor and chamberlain and, somewhat contrary to his nature, had winked at the great spoils of Bosworthfield, which came almost wholly to this man's hands, to his infinite enriching. Yet, nevertheless, blown up with the conceit of his merit, he did not think he had received good measure from the king, at least not pressing down and running over, as he expected. And his ambition was so exorbitant and unbounded, as he became suitor to the king for the earldom of Chester; which ever being a kind of appanage to the principality of Wales, and using to go to the king's son, his suit did not only end in a denial but in a distaste: the king perceiving thereby, that his desires were intemperate, and his cogitations vast and irregular, and that his former benefits were but cheap, and lightly regarded by him. Wherefore the king began not to brook him well. And as a little leaven of new distaste doth commonly sour the whole lump of former merits, the king's wit began now to suggest unto his passion, that Stanley, at Bosworth-field, though he came time enough to save his life, yet he stayed long enough to endanger it. But yet, having no matter against him, he continued him in his places until this his fall.

After him was made lord chamberlain, Giles, Lord D'Aubigny, a man of great sufficiency and valour; the more because he was gentle and moderate.

There was a common opinion, that Sir Robert Clifford, who now was become the state informer, was from the beginning an emissary and spy of the king's; and that he fled over into Flanders VOL. I.-45

with his consent and privity. But this is not probable; both because he never recovered that degree of grace which he had with the king before his going over; and chiefly, for that the discovery which he had made touching the lord chamberlain, which was his great service, grew not from any thing he learned abroad, for that he knew it well before he went.

These executions, and especially that of the lord chamberlain's, which was the chief strength of the party, and by means of Sir Robert Clifford, who was the most inward man of trust amongst them, did extremely quail the design of Perkin and his complices, as well through discouragement as distrust. So that they were now, like sand without lime, ill bound together; especially as many as were English, who were at a gaze, looking strange one upon another, not knowing who was faithful to their side; but thinking that the king, what with his baits, and what with his nets, would draw them all unto him that were any thing worth. And indeed it came to pass, that divers came away by the thread, sometimes one and sometimes another. Barley, that was joint commissioner with Clifford, did hold out one of the longest, till Perkin was far worn; yet made his peace at the length. But the fall of this great man, being in so high authority and favour, as was thought, with the king; and the manner of carriage of the business, as if there had been secret inquisition upon him for a great time before; and the cause for which he suffered, which was little more than for saying in effect that the title of York was better than the title of Lancaster; which was the case almost of every man, at the least in opinion, was matter of great terror amongst all the king's servants and subjects: insomuch as no man almost thought himself secure, and men durst scarce commune or talk one with another, but there was a general diffidence everywhere: which nevertheless made the king rather more absolute than more safe. For "bleeding inwards, and shut vapours, strangle soonest, and oppress most."

Hereupon presently came forth swarms and vollies of libels, which are the gusts of liberty of speech restrained, and the females of sedition, containing bitter invectives and slanders against the king and some of the council: for the contriving and dispersing whereof, after great diligence of inquiry, five mean persons were caught up and executed.

Meanwhile the king did not neglect Ireland, being the soil where these mushrooms and upstart weeds, that spring up in a night, did chiefly prosper. He sent therefore from hence, for the better settling of his affairs there, commissioners of both robes, the Prior of Lanthony, to be his chancellor in that kingdom; and Sir Edward Poynings, with a power of men, and a martial commission, together with a civil power of is 2G 2

lieutenant, with a clause, that the Earl of Kil- that time and temporising, which, whilst his dare, then deputy, should obey him. But the practices were covert and wrought well in Engwild Irish, who were the principal offenders, fled land, made for him; did now, when they were into the woods and bogs, after their manner; and discovered and defeated, rather make against him, those that knew themselves guilty in the pale, for that when matters once go down the hill, they fled to them. So that Sir Edward Poynings was stay not without a new force, resolved to try his enforced to make a wild chase upon the wild adventure in some exploit upon England; hoping Irish; where, in respect of the mountains and still upon the affections of the common people fastnesses, he did little good. Which, either out towards the house of York. Which body of of a suspicious melancholy upon his bad success, common people he thought was not to be practised or the better to save his service from disgrace, he upon, as persons of quality are; but that the would needs impute unto the comfort that the only practice upon their affections was to set up rebels should receive underhand from the Earl of a standard in the field. The place where he Kildare; every light suspicion growing upon the should make his attempt, he chose to be the coast earl, in respect of the Kildare that was in the ac- of Kent. tion of Lambert Simnel, and slain at Stokefield. Wherefore he caused the earl to be apprehended and sent into England; where, upon examination, he cleared himself so well, as he was replaced in his government. But Poynings, the better to make compensation of the meagerness of his service in the wars by acts of peace, called a parliament; where was made that memorable act, which at this day is called Poynings' law, whereby all the statutes of England were made to be of force in Ireland; for before they were not, neither are any now in force in Ireland, which were made in England since that time; which was the tenth year of the king.

About this time began to be discovered in the king that disposition, which afterwards, nourished and whet on by bad counsellors and ministers, proved the blot of his times: which was the course he took to crush treasure out of his subjects' purses, by forfeitures upon penal laws. At this men did startle the more at this time, because it appeared plainly to be in the king's nature, and not out of his necessity, he being now in float for treasure: for that he had newly received the peace-money from France, the benevolencemoney from his subjects, and great casualties upon the confiscations of the lord chamberlain and divers others. The first noted case of this kind was that of Sir William Capel, alderman of London; who, upon sundry penal laws, was condemned in the sum of seven and twenty hundred pounds, and compounded with the king for sixteen hundred: and yet after, Empson would have cut another chop out of him if the king had not died in the instant.

The king by this time was grown to such a height of reputation for cunning and policy, that every accident and event that went well, was laid and imputed to his foresight, as if he had set it before: as in this particular of Perkin's design upon Kent. For the world would not believe afterwards, but the king, having secret intelligence of Perkin's intention for Kent, the better to draw it on, went of purpose into the north afar off, laying an open side unto Perkin, to make him come to the close, and so to trip up his heels, having made sure in Kent beforehand.

But so it was, that Perkin had gathered together a power of all nations, neither in number, nor in the hardiness and courage of the persons, contemptible, but in their nature and fortunes to be feared, as well of friends as enemies; being bankrupts, and many of them felons, and such as lived by rapine. These he put to sea, and arrived upon the coast of Sandwich and Deal, in Kent, about July.

There he cast anchor, and to prove the affections of the people, sent some of his men to land, making great boasts of the power that was to follow. The Kentish men, perceiving that Perkin was not followed by any English of name or account, and that his forces consisted but of strangers born, and most of them base people and freebooters, fitter to spoil a coast than to recover a kingdom; resorting unto the principal gentlemen of the country, professed their loyalty to the king, and desired to be directed and commanded for the best of the king's service. The gentlemen, entering into consultation, directed some forces in good number to show themselves upon the The summer following, the king, to comfort coast; and some of them to make signs to entice his mother, whom he did always tenderly love Perkin's soldiers to land, as if they would join and revere, and to make open demonstration to with them; and some others to appear from the world, that the proceedings against Sir Wil- some other places, and to make semblance as liam Stanley, which was imposed upon him by if they fled from them, the better to encourage necessity of state, had not in any degree dimi- them to land. But Perkin, who by playing the nished the affection he bare to Thomas his bro- prince, or else taught by secretary Frion, had ther, went in progress to Latham, to make merry learned thus much, that people under command with his mother and the earl, and lay there divers do use to consult, and after to march in order; days. and rebels contrariwise run upon a head together During this progress, Perkin Warbeck, finding in confusion, considering the delay of time, and

observing their orderly and not tumultuary arming, according to the mercenary appetites of some doubted the worst. And therefore the wily youth about him. He put all Italy upon their guard, would not set one foot out of his ship, till he by the seizing and holding of Ostia, and the promight see things were sure. Wherefore the tecting of the liberty of Pisa; which made all king's forces, perceiving that they could draw on men suspect that his purposes looked farther no more than those that were formerly landed, than his title of Naples. He fell too soon at set upon them and cut them in pieces, ere they difference with Ludovico Sfortia, who was the could fly back to their ships. In which skirmish, man that carried the keys which brought him in, besides those that were fled and were slain, there and shut him out. He negleeted to extinguish were taken about a hundred and fifty persons. some relics of the war. And lastly, in regard Which, for that the king thought, that to punish of his easy passage through Italy without resista few for example was gentlemen's pay; but for ance, he entered into an overmuch despising of rascal people, they were to be cut off every man, the arms of the Italians; whereby he left the especially in the beginning of an enterprise: and realm of Naples at his departure so much the likewise for that he saw that Perkin's forces less provided. So that not long after his return, would now consist chiefly of such rabble and the whole kingdom revolted to Ferdinando the scum of desperate people, he therefore hanged younger, and the French were quite driven out. them all for the greater terror. They were Nevertheless Charles did make both great threats brought to London all railed in ropes, like a team and great preparations to re-enter Italy once of horses in a cart, and were executed, some of again. Wherefore at the instance of divers of them at London and Wapping, and the rest at the states of Italy, and especially of Pope Alexdivers places upon the sea-coast of Kent, Sussex, ander, there was a league concluded between the and Norfolk, for sea-marks or light-houses, to said pope; Maximilian, King of the Romans; teach Perkin's people to avoid the coast. The Henry, King of England; Ferdinando and Isaking being advertised of the landing of the rebels, bella, King and Queen of Spain; for so they are thought to leave his progress: but being certified constantly placed in the original treaty throughthe next day, that they were partly defeated, and out; Augustino Barbadico, Duke of Venice; and partly fled, he continued his progress, and sent Ludovico Sfortia, Duke of Milan; for the comSir Richard Guildford into Kent in message; mon defence of their estates: wherein though who calling the country together, did much com- Ferdinando of Naples was not named as prinmend from the king their fidelity, manhood, and cipal, yet, no doubt, the kingdom of Naples was well handling of that service; and gave them all tacitly included as a fee of the church. thanks, and, in private, promised reward to some particulars.

Upon the sixteenth of November, this being the eleventh year of the king, was holden the sergeants' feast at Ely-place, there being nine sergeants of that call. The king, to honour the feast, was present with his queen at the dinner; being a prince that was ever ready to grace and countenance the professors of the law; having a little of that, that as he governed his subjects by his laws, so he governed his laws by his lawyers.

There died also this year, Cecile, Duchess of York, mother to King Edward the Fourth, at her castle of Berkhamstead, being of extreme years, and who had lived to see three princes of her body crowned, and four murdered. She was buried at Foderingham, by her husband.

This year also the king called his parliament, where many laws were made of a more private and vulgar nature than ought to detain the reader of a history. And it may be justly suspected by the proceedings following, that as the king did excel in good commonwealth laws, so, nevertheless, he had in secret a design to make use of them, as well for collecting of treasure as for correcting of manners; and so meaning thereby to harrow his people, did accumulate them the rather.

This year also the king entered into league with the Italian potentates for the defence of Italy against France. For King Charles had conquered the realm of Naples, and lost it again, in a kind of a felicity of a dream. He passed The principal law that was made this parliathe whole length of Italy without resistance; so ment was a law of a strange nature; rather just that it was true which Pope Alexander was wont than legal; and more magnanimous than provito say, "That the Frenchmen came into Italy dent. This law did ordain, That no person that with chalk in their hands to mark up their lodg- did assist in arms, or otherwise, the king for the ings, rather than with swords to fight." He like-time being, should after be impeached therefore, wise entered and won, in effect, the whole king- or attainted, either by the course of the law, or dom of Naples itself, without striking stroke. But presently thereupon he did commit and multiply so many errors, as was too great a task for the best fortune to overcome. He gave no contentment to the Barons of Naples, of the faction of the Angeovines; but scattered his rewards

by act of parliament. But if any such act of attainder did happen to be made, it should be void and of none effect; for that it was agreeable to reason of estate, that the subject should not inquire of the justness of the king's title or quarrel; and it was agreeable to good conscience, that, what

There was another law made against a branch of ingratitude in women, who having been advanced by their husbands, or their husbands' an

heirs, or those in remainder, of the lands whereunto they had been so advanced. The remedy was, by giving power to the next, to enter for a forfeiture.

There was also enacted that charitable law, for the admission of poor suitors in forma pauperis, without fee to counsellor, attorney, or clerk, whereby poor men became rather able to vex than unable to sue. There were divers other good laws made that parliament, as we said before; but we still observe our manner, in selecting out those that are not of a vulgar nature.

soever the fortune of the war were, the subject to any suit, where the demand is under the value should not suffer for his obedience. The spirit of forty pounds; for that in such cases of petty of this law was wonderful pious and noble, being value it would not quit the charge, to go about like, in matter of war, unto the spirit of David in again. matter of plague; who said, "If I have sinned, strike me: but what have these sheep done?" Neither wanted this law parts of prudent and deep foresight; for it did the better take away occa-cestors, should alien, and thereby seek to defeat the sions for the people to busy themselves to pry into the king's title; for that howsoever it fell, their safety was already provided for. Besides, it could not but greatly draw unto him the love and hearts of the people, because he seemed more careful for them than for himself. But yet, nevertheless, it did take off from his party that great tie and spur of necessity, to fight and go victors out of the field; considering their lives and fortunes were put in safety and protected, whether they stood to it or ran away. But the force and obligation of this law was in itself illusory, as to the latter part of it, by a precedent act of parliament to bind or frustrate a future. For a supreme and absolute power cannot conclude itself, neither can that which is in nature revocable be made fixed, no more than if a man should appoint or declare by his will, that if he made any latter will it should he void. And for the case of the act of parliament, there is a notable precedent of it in King Henry the Eighth's time; who doubting he might die in the minority of his son, procured an act to pass, That no statute made during the minority of a king, should bind him or his successors, except it were confirmed by the king under his great seal at his full age. But the first act that passed in King Edward the Sixth's time was an act of re-discouragement he found in that people. But in peal of that former act; at which time nevertheless the king was minor. But things that do not bind, may satisfy for the time.

The king, this while, though he sat in parliament, as in full peace, and seemed to account of the designs of Perkin, who was now returned into Flanders, but as a May-game; yet having the composition of a wise king, stout without, and apprehensive within, had given order for the watching of beacons upon the coasts, and erecting more where they stood too thin, and had a careful eye where this wandering cloud would break. But Perkin, advised to keep his fire, which hitherto burned as it were upon green wood, alive with continual blowing, sailed again into Ireland, whence he had formerly departed, rather upon the hopes of France, than upon any unreadiness or

the space of time between, the king's diligence and Poynings's commission had so settled things there, as there was nothing left for Perkin, but the There was also made a shoaring or underprop-blustering affection of wild and naked people. ping act for the benevolence: to make the sums Wherefore he was advised by his council to seek which any person had agreed to pay, and never-aid of the King of Scotland, a prince young and theless were not brought in, to be leviable by course of law. Which act did not only bring in the arrears, but did indeed countenance the whole business, and was pretended to be made at the desire of those that had been forward to pay.

valorous, and in good terms with his nobles and people, and ill affected to King Henry. At this time also both Maximilian and Charles of France began to bear no good will to the king: the one being displeased with the king's prohibition of This parliament also was made that good law, commerce with Flanders; the other holding the which gave the attaint upon a false verdict be-king for suspect, in regard of his late entry into tween party and party, which before was a kind league with the Italians. Wherefore, besides the of evangile, irremediable. It extends not to causes open aids of the Duchess of Burgundy, which did capital, as well because they are for the most part with sails and oars put on and advance Perkin's at the king's suit, as because, in them, if they be designs, there wanted not some secret tides from followed in course of indictment, there passeth a Maximilian and Charles, which did further his double jury, the indictors and the triers: and so fortunes: insomuch as they, both by their secret not twelve men, but four-and-twenty. But it seem- letters and messages, recommended him to the eth that was not the only reason; for this reason King of Scotland. holdeth not in the appeal. But the great reason was, lest it should tend to the discouragement of Jurors in cases of life and death; if they should be subject to suit and penalty, where the favour of life maketh against them. It extendeth not also

Perkin, therefore, coming into Scotland upon those hopes, with a well-appointed company, was by the King of Scots, being formerly well prepared, honourably welcomed, and soon after his arrival admitted to his presence, in a solemn

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