precepts of the gospel, it would be something consolatory to the Christian; but, however desirous we may be of such a result, and we are too prone to believe what we wish, the unremitted exertions of the worthy missionaries, and their success, will best testify. Dr. Bryce, the minister of the Scotch Presbyterian church, in Calcutta, has asserted from the pulpit,' that zeal the most active and disinterested, and diligence the most assiduous, have not been spared by the Christian Missionary, in his pious attempt to convert the natives of India. But, alas! it may be doubted, if at this day he boasts a single proselyte to his creed, over whom he is warranted to rejoice.'

From the profound darkness, however, that covers the land, a ray of light is shining forth in the person of a native of great literary acquirement, and of a sect from whom alone any absolute benefit can be expected to result. The authority of the Brahman is absolutely necessary to the completion of the grand design, and in this individual, it is hoped, a firm support will be given to the completion of the work. Under a host of persecution, he has succeeded in establishing a sect, consisting already of one thousand persons, who worship the true God, and take the moral law of the gospel for their guide. From such a beginning more is to be expected, than from the exertions of strangers. A spirit of inquiry has been elicited, and the altars of Belial must give way to those of a pure and spotless Deity.

On the whole we have derived much pleasure and information from the perusal of the Abbe's description, and ardently wish that, instead of avaricious speculators, a few more such men were resident in India.

P.

ART. III.-Remarks of the Edinburgh Reviewers on Mr. Walsh's Appeal.

[Selections have not been often made from the Edinburgh Review, because that Journal has a wide circulation in this

country. We are induced, at present, to depart from the observance of this rule, in consideration of the lively interest taken in the present literary warfare, waged between the Scotish critics and our accomplished champion, the author of the' Appeal.' Much praise has been given in some late American publications, to the candour and liberality said to be discoverable in the following critique. We confess ourselves unable to perceive any foundation for such compliments. The Edinburgh Reviewers make an artful and disingenuous defence, and while professing friendship and goodwill, exert their utmost efforts to destroy the reputation, and impede the circulation of the Appeal.' To attain these objects, truth and candour are unhesitatingly sacrificed. They unblushingly deny that they had ever spoken ill of the essential characteristics of the American character-charge Mr. W. with having for his avowed object the excitement of a hostile spirit between the two countries, and represent the notice taken in the Appeal' of the sins of their Journal, as a principal part of the work. These assertions are not more dishonest than their personal attack on Mr. W. is undignified and unfair.

The minor reviews of Great Britain, in noticing the

Appeal,' have generally avoided every thing like a liberal discussion of its merits, and have been fearful of giving extracts from its contents; but, have under the pretence of a review, repeated their usual tirade against the United States, quoting copiously from Mr. Bristed's libellous publication, as a book of unquestionable authority.]

[From the LXVI No. of the Edinburgh Review.]

'ONE great staple of this book is a vehement, and, we really think, an unjust attack on the principles of this Journal. Yet we take part, on the whole, with the author:-and heartily wish him success in the great object of vindicating his country from unmerited aspersions, and trying to make us, in England, ashamed of the vices and defects which he has taken

the trouble to point out in our national character and institutions. In this part of his design we cordially concur-and shall at all times be glad to cooperate. But there is another part of it, and we are sorry to say a principal and avowed part, of which we cannot speak in terms of too strong regret and reprobation-and that is, a design to excite and propagate among his countrymen, a general animosity to the British name, by way of counteracting, or rather revenging, the animosity, which he very erroneously supposes to be generally entertained by the English against them.

"That this is, in itself, and under any circumstances, an unworthy, an unwise, and even a criminal object, we think we could demonstrate to the satisfaction of Mr. W. himself, and all his reasonable adherents; but it is better, perhaps, to endeavour, in the first place, to correct the misapprehensions, and dispel the delusions in which this disposition has its foundation, and, at all events, to set them the example of perfect good humour and fairness, in a discussion where the parties perhaps will never be entirely agreed; and where those, who are now to be heard, have the strongest conviction of being injuriously misrepresented. If we felt any soreness, indeed, on the score of this author's imputations, or had any desire to lessen the just effect of his representations, it would have been enough for us, we believe, to have let them alone. For, without some such help as ours, the work really does not seem calculated to make any great impression in this quarter of the world. It is not only, as the author has candidly observed of it, a very clumsy book,' heavily written and abominably printed, but the only material part of it—the only part about which any body can now be supposed to care very much, either here or in America-is overlaid and buried under a huge mass of historical compilation, which would have little chance of attracting readers at the present moment, even if much better digested than it is in the volume before

us.

The substantial question is, what has been the true cha racter and condition of the United States since they became an independent nation,-and what is likely to be their condition in future? And to elucidate this question, the learned author has thought fit to premise about 200 very close printed pages, upon their merits as colonies, and the harsh treatment they then received from the mother country! Of this large historical sketch, we cannot say either that it is very correctly drawn, or very faithfully coloured. It presents us with no connected narrative, or interesting deduction of events-but is, in truth, a mere heap of indigested quotations from common books, of good and of bad authority-inartificially cemented together by a loose and angry commentary. We are not aware, indeed, that there are in this part of the work either any new statements, or any new views or opinions; the facts being mostly taken from Chalmer's Annals, and Burke's European Settlements; and the authorities for the good conduct and ill-treatment of the colonies, being chiefly the Parliamentary Debates and Brougham's Colonial Policy. -But, in good truth, these historical recollections will go but a little way in determining that great practical and most important question, which it is Mr. W.'s intention, as well as ours, to discuss-What are, and what ought to be, the Dispositions of England and America towards each other?And the general facts as to the origin and colonial history of the latter, in so far as they bear upon this question, really do not admit of much dispute. The most important of their settlements were unquestionably founded by the friends of civil and religious liberty-who, though somewhat precise and puritanical, were, in the main, a sturdy and sagacious race of people, not readily to be cajoled out of the blessings they had sought through so many sacrifices, and ready at all times manfully and resolutely to assert them against all invaders. As to the mother country, again, without claiming for her any romantic tenderness or generosity towards those hardy

VOL. 11.

offsets, we think we may say, that she oppressed and domineered over them much less than any other modern nation has done over such settlements-that she allowed them, for the most part, liberal charters and constitutions, and was kind enough to leave them very much to themselves; and although she did manifest, now and then, a disposition to encroach on their privileges, their rights were, on the whole, very tolerably respected-so that they grew up to a state of prosperity, and a familiarity with freedom, in all its divisions, which was not only without parallel in any similar establishment, but probably could not have been attained had they been earlier left to their own guidance and protection. This is all that we ask for England, on a review of her colonial policy, and her conduct before the war; and this, we think, no candid and well-informed person can reasonably refuse her.

As to the war itself, the motives in which it originated, and the spirit in which it was carried on, it cannot now be necessary to say any thing-or, at least when we say, that having once been begun, we think that it terminated as the friends of justice and liberty must have wished it to terminate, we conceive that Mr. W. can require no other explanation. That this result, however, should have left a soreness upon both sides, and especially on that which had not been soothed by success, is what all men must have expected. But, upon the whole, we firmly believe, that this was far slighter and less durable than has generally been imagined; and was likely very speedily to have been entirely effaced by those ancient recollections of kindness, and kindred which could not fail to recur, and by that still more powerful feeling, to which every day was likely to add strength, of their common interests as free and as commercial countries, and of the substantial conformity of their national character, and of their sentiments, upon most topics of public and of private right. The healing operation, however, of these causes was unfor