derdale, lord Hawkesbury, the arch bishop of Canterbury, the bishop of Rochester, the bishops of Hereford and Carlisle, and the lord chancellor. The chief grounds on which it was op posed were, that it was a violation of private, and of the security of ecclesiastical property, while it tended to an indefinite enlargement of the power of the bishops, and that it was inadequate to the accomplishment of its object.

Lord Moira observed, that if this bill was to be defended on the ground, that a part of the rector's income had been apportioned to the curate ou a former occasion, why, then, at a future time, (since according to what their lordships' had just heard from a reverend prelate, bishops claimed in the point in question, an unlimited power) another bill might not be introduced, founded upon the present, to appropriate the whole of the incumbent's living. Even the act of 1796 in his mind, had been the cause of considerable hardships. There were livings as low as 1001. and yet 751. out of that must be paid to the officiating curate.

The earl of Buckinghamshire observed, that it was to be recol lected that advowsons were now bought and sold in the same mau ner as any other negotiable pro perty. With what justice, then, could the legislature call upon a beneficed clergyman who had bought his living on a calculation of having the services of a curate at a certain price, to pay a still larger

sum.

The earl of Lauderdale said,' that perhaps the great origin of the evil proposed to be remedied by the bill, would be found in the frequency of ordination, and in calling

to that profession such numbers of young men, as it was impossible to provide for. It should be attri buted to that glut of the commodity which the reverend prelates, themselves occasioned. He also opposed the bill as laying a great weight on the possessor of a smallliving, at the same that it affected the rector with 2000l. a year, in very trifling manner.

The archbishop of Canterbury did not consider the measure pro posed as either oppressive in its operation, or a violation of the interests of the church. The power it gave to bishops was only similar to that with which they were invested in the early times of the constitution of the church. He cited the case of a bishop of Worcester, who was rebuked by the pope for not allowing a sufficient compensation to curates or vicars temporal, as they were then designated in his diocese. But though he was perfectly satisfied with the principle of the bill, there were some of the clauses which he thought would be attended with injurious: effects, and introduce vexation, and mischief. He should therefore vote that the bill be rejected.—The question on the third reading being called for, the bill was thrown out. without a division.

Yet the object of the bill was not disapproved, or lost sight of. With a prospective view to some future bill,

The earl of Buckinghamshire moved, June 27th, that there be laid before the house, an account of the number of livings beyond the amount of 4001. per annum, distinguishing those where the ins cumbent resided, and those where a resident cúrate was employed.

Lord Harrowby proposed an aniendment,

mendment, to leave out the words distinguishing, &c." On the queson that these words stand part of ie bill, the house divided; Conents 28—Not Contents 19. Next ay, June 28,

Lord Harrowby, pursuant to a otice he had given the day before, ose to submit a motion to their ordships, which was suggested to im by some observations that had een made during the discussion of his question. It was agreed, and eemed to be wished on all hands, hat something should be done toards improving the condition of he inferior clergy. It had all along een his opinion, that the house was proceeding to legislate on a matter especting which they had nothing ike adequate information before hem. This want of due informaion be was anxious to supply. And he object of his present motion, was to endeavour to ascertain the umber of livings which were under 501. per annum; how great would e the sum necessary to bring these mall livings up to 150l. per au am; and how long the period of me, under the present circumtances, necessary for the attain ent of that object. With a view to et at which, he moved an húmible ddress to his majesty, praying he would be graciously pleased to dieet that there he laid before the ouse, au account of the number of vings under 150l. per annum. The archbishop of Canterbury xpressed his thanks to the noble aron for the pains he had taken n this subject, and his readiness to o-operate with him in the prosecu on of his object.

The earl of Moira also gave his hearty concurrence to the motion, So also did lord Hawkesbury, who' assured his noble friend that every thing should be done by him to give effect to his laudable intentions and endeavours.

Nor was the kirk of Scotland forgotten. An Act was passed for defining and regulating the powers of the commission of teinds in augmenting and modifying the stipends of the Scotch clergy.

An act was also passed, for enforcing the residence of spiritual persons in Ireland on their benefices; and another to make more effectual provision for the building' and re-building of chapels, churches, and glebe houses, and for the purchase of glebe lands, glebe houses, and impropriations in Ireland.

Though the petition of the Roman catholics of Ireland for complete emancipation from all disabilities whatever, civil or military, after the usual discussions, was rejected; a grant of 9,5201. was made for the current year, for the support of the Roman catholic college of Maynooth. In the course of the discussious that took place on this subject, Dr. Duigenan read the oath of the catholic priests, in order to shew that they paid an obedience to the pope, which was inconsistent with the king's supremacy. The provisions for the education of the established clergy,

he observed, fell short of those proposed to be granted to the papists. There were in the university of Dublin 30 poor scholars, who got but a dinner once a day*, and 72 scholars of the house that got a dinner once a day, but no lodgings.

The

The doctor described the catholics as bad subjects and hostile to the

state.

Mr. Barham objected to the use of such language in speaking of four millious of his majesty's subjects.

The speaker declared, that the freedom of debate did not preclude such language.

Dr. Duigenan, then repeated his former sentiments; and he declared that, if any one would move to. withdraw the public aid altogether from Maynooth, he would second the motion.

The original grant to the Roman catholic college at Maynooth, was 8000l. In addition to this sum, the last parliament had voted 5000l. making in all 13,000l.t. Before this vote, however, could be carried into effect, that parliament was dissolved, and when the new parliament met, his majesty's present ministers wished to resort to the former sum. But finding that the trustees bad acted upon the faith of receiving the larger sum, they had, for that one year, carried into execution the intention of their predecessors. The sum of 9,250l. considerably more than 8,000l. but still more considerably less than 13,000l. was a kind of compromise between contending opinions.

Mr. Grattan, and other members on the same side of the question, contended, that a provision for the education of 250 students would be insufficient to supply the vacancies that would occur in the catholic clergy by deaths or casualties. By reducing the grant of 13,000l. a year, though some addition had been made to that of 8000l. the house

would secure the ignorance and prejudices of a great portion of the catholics.

The chancellor of the exchequer observed, that the memorial of the catholics, which had led to the establishment at Maynooth, claimed no pecuniary aid. The catholics promised to defray the whole expence themselves; and though the government and parliament gave them 8,000l. in aid of the object, that was no reason why the country should be subject to constantly increasing demands, for a purpose of which there was no precedent in any age or country, that of educating, at the public expence, the priesthood of a religion differing widely from the established one. He thought it was as much as could reasonably be asked, to educate 250 persons at the public expence; who, with 111 educated in a private manner, were an abundant supply for the catholic ministry. It was no part of religious toleration, Mr. Perceval said, to make provision for the education of the clergy of the tolerated sect. If it were so, the ministers of the methodists, anabaptists, and sandemanians, would on that ground have as good a claim to education as the catholic clergy. This last observation of Mr. Perceval, is noticed on account of the remarkable reply that was made to it by Mr. Grattan." It was true, he said, the ministers of those sectarians were not educated at the public expence; but they were few in number in comparison of the catholics, who formed the great body of the people in Ireland." To what calainities would not this principle of vesting political rights on the sole

basis

basis of numbers lead, if it were pushed into all its just consequences? When the house, in the committee of supply, April 29, divided on the question, there appeared for the larger grant of 13,000l.-58,-For the latter of 9,2501.-93.

Among the most important and generally interesting laws enacted in this session of parliament, a distinguished place is occupied by the act to prohibit the distillation of spirits from corn or grain for a limited time. It may be recollected by our readers, that in the last session of the last parliament, the earl of Temple moved, in the house of commons, the appointment of a committee to consider of the possibility and propriety of permitting sugar and molasses to be used in distilleries and breweries; not to the exclusion of grain, but on principles of fair competition". A committee was appointed; and it was stated by lord Binaing, chairman of the committee, in the house of commons, May 19, that it had become necessary to ascertain how far the restriction of the distillers to the use of sugar and molasses would affect the agriculture of the country.

This investigation, he stated, had led to the knowledge of facts which established the wisdom and necessity of the restriction, exclusively of all consideration whatever of the interests of the West India islands; though the two questions could not indeed be separated. The committee finding that this country was generally dependent for a sufficient supply of corn and flour upon foreign countries, and

that this supply in the present state of Europe was cut off, without any prospect of a sufficient resource in the last year's crop of this country, thought it right, as a precaution against famine, to stop the distillation of corn, with a view to a ready and immediate, as well as a more ample and satisfactory supply of sustenance for the people. He entered into a variety of calcula tions to shew, that the saving by the prohibition of the distilleries would cover more than half the deficiency created by the stoppage of importation, and more than the whole importation of oats! Lord, Binning concluded with moving, that the report of the committee of inquiry be referred to a committee of the whole house; and he anticipated, from the moderation and good sense of the gentlemen present, that the wishes of the committee would be carried into effect. After a long debate on the question for the speaker's leaving the chair, the house divided.-For the speaker's leaving the chair, that is, for going into a committee, 122.Against it, 108. A great alarm was excited amongst the agriculturists throughout out the whole country, and many petitions were presented against the bill. In hoth houses of parliament it was opposed warmly, and not without plausible arguments, the most solid of which, in our judgment, was the tendency of the measure to prevent that accumulation of grain in the hands of the farmers, which in this country supplies the place of the magazines established in so many other countries. It tended, if long continued, or frequently repeated,

to

to deprive the agriculturist of that market, which by creating a demand for more grain than the mere support of the population requires, induces him to raise more: to which superabundance, in case of a comparative failure of the crop, recourse can be had for supplying the extreme and claimant wants of the people. The bill, after a great struggle, was read a third time in the house of Lords and passed, on the 2d of July.

By this time the object that was paramount to all others in the public mind and heart was Spain. The Spaniards, roused by the perfidious and base conduct of Buona parte and his agents towards the royal family of Spain, to resent ment, indignation, hatred, and revenge, had declared in every province, though without previous concert, simultaneously, and with one consent, their fixed resolution to avenge their wrongs, and free their country from the tyranny and contamination of the French, or to perish in the attempt; and deputies had come from the Junta and states of the principality of Asturias, to solicit the aid of the king and government of Great Britain and Ireland.

Mr. Sheridan seemed to be no more than the organ of the public sentiments and vows, when in the house of commons, June 15, he rose to call the attention of the legislature to the affairs of Spain, and, their utmost exertions to the assistance of the Spaniards. "I am far, said he, from wishing mimisters to embark in any rash or romantic enterprize in favour of Spain; but, sir, if the enthusiasm and animation, which now exists in

a part of Spain, should spread over the whole of that country, I am` convinced that since the first burst of the French revolution, there never existed so happy an opportunity for Great Britain to strike a bold stroke for the rescue of the world. But, sir, it is said, if you do not distrust the administration, why discuss this subject in parliament!" Sir, I will tell you why. I am disposed to trust administration. I wish first to declare, that, in my opinion, we must not deal in dribblets: we must do much or nothing. Why do I make this declaration? Because no cabinet which has hitherto existed in this country

But

not even excepting that with which I had the honour of being connected-has pursued simply and plainly one clear and distinct object. Instead of striking at the core of the evil, the administrations of this country have hitlierto contented themselves with nibbling at the rind. In this censure, 1 must not include an honourable friend near me, nor Mr. Burke. They would have proceeded directly and completely to the object which they had in view, or they would not have advanced to it a step. But with these exceptions, the ministers of England have pursued a petty policy; they have gone about filching sugar islands, and neglecting all that was digni fied, and all that was consonant to the truly understood interests of their country. I wish therefore, sir, to let Spain know, that the conduct which we have pursued we will not persevere in, but that we are resolved fairly and fully to stand up for the salvation of Europe. If a co-opera

tion