and in the Lords, the Earl of Winchilsea proposed to lay before the king the opinion of parliament in regard to the incapacity of his ministers. It was as yet only the 4th of November; but this was a season when hours told for days. In forty-eight hours the duke was in the embarrassment of another scrape, in which there was SO much of the ludicrous mixed up with what might have been very serious, that the subject was ever a most exasperating one to the great soldier. In justice to him, it must be remembered how his mind had been wrought upon for some months past, in sympathy with his friend Polignac, in apprehension for that distribution of power in Europe which he had been concerned in establishing; and by the daily increasing disturbances in our rural districts, which exactly resembled those that preceded the revolution in France. It must be remembered how little he really knew the people of England; and how, to a mind like his, the mere name of revolution suggests images of regicide, and of everything horrible; images which were, no doubt, in his mind when he turned away, as he was seen to do, from the spectacle of the tricolor floating in the Thames. These things mark him as unfit to be the prime-minister of England in 1830; but they soften the shame of the thought that the high courage of the great soldier sank under a senseless alarm given by an alderman of London. This Alderman Key had been elected to serve the office of lord mayor for the coming year; and the king and queen and the ministers were to dine with him at Guildhall on the 9th of November. On the 6th, the alderman addressed a letter to the prime-minister, the tone and wording of which should have shown to any man of sense that it was not a communication to be acted upon, without large confirmation of its statements. This letter warned the duke that a certain number of desperate characters intended to make an attack upon him near the hall; and it plainly desired that, as the civil force would not be enough for the duke's protection, he would not come without a strong military guard. The next night, Saturday, Sir Robert Peel sent a letter to the lord mayor, to state that their majesties declined visiting the city on the 9th. The ministers pleaded that they had received other letters, besides that from Alderman Key; and, but for this, the case would have been much simplified; for the poor man expressed, again and again, the deepest contrition for his folly in writing as he had done, when he saw how serious were the consequences of the act. In the course of Sunday, a deputation from the committee of the feast waited three times on the ministers; and the duke's declaration was that either the banquet must be postponed, or a large military force must be put in possession of the city. The banquet was postponed. In the morning, the consternation in the city was extreme. No one knew what was the matter; but that there must be something terrible, there could be no doubt. Some said that there was to be a 5th of November on the 9th; some, that while their majesties were dining, the gas-pipes were to be cut, Temple Bar blockaded, the royal personages made prisoners, and London sacked. There was no nonsense that could not find belief on that fearful Monday, though everybody agreed that no sovereign had ever been more popular than William IV., who had not done an ungracious thing, nor spoken an ungracious word, except that speech a few days before, which everybody knew to be solely the work of his ministers. On that Monday morning, consols fell three per cent. in an hour and a half; careful citizens renewed the bolts and bars of their doors, lined their shutters with iron plates and laid in arms and ammunition, in expectation of the sacking of London. Before the end of the week, the most alarmed were laughing at the panic; but not only was the mysterious panic a fearful thing at the moment, but the natural effects were very vexatious. There was a good deal of desultory and unmeaning rioting, by such disorderly citizens as thought that if they had the discredit, they might as well have the fun. And, worse than this, an unfounded impression went abroad through all the world, that it was not safe for the King of England to pass through the streets of his own capital, to dine with its chief-magistrate. Day by day now, it became only a question of weeks about when the administration would go out; whether single week Sir Henry ect committee the civil list. declaring that en carried as far desiring to have it On the division, the of twenty-nine, in a use asked Sir Robert retain their seats after ved no answer. He was Mr. Brougham proposed answer and the appointded upon. The committee, and in the Lords, the Earl of Winchilse given by a had been e coming ye were to Novembe to the 1 should commu firmat that a make desi the mil Pee ma the reply was waited for. clared that they might not on the civil list reason enough rself; but that they considered s of Mr. Brougham's motion for which was to be debated on the question. with the Duke of Wellington came A Lords that his resignation of office and accepted, and that he continued in his successor should have been apher House, Sir Robert Peel made the behalf of himself and all the other ministration. immediately requested Mr. Brougham to parliamentary reform, which was too be debated while the government of the **** in an unsettled state. Mr. Brougham ex at reluctance, and threw the responsibility upon of delaying the matter till the 25th; declaring would then bring it forward, whatever might be sation of circumstances, and whoever might be his r's ministers. No one had any doubt about who, in Prierstood that the great day was at hand when the main, would be his majesty's ministers. It was well British polity as to renew its youth and replenish its walked homewards from their parliair own firesides, through the darkness ght, told each other that a brighter idsummer was to arise to-morrow, enamed at first, probably, by clouds and ined to send down its vital warmth and ng vistas of remote generations. CHAPTER II. rey Ministry-Regency Bill-Official Salaries-State of Ireland -The Cholera. HERE was no doubt in any quarter as to who would be he new premier, or what would be the general composition of the ministry. The anti-Catholic party was broken up and humbled. The demand of the people for a liberal government was strong; and there was no one to say that it should not be obeyed. The king requested Lord Grey to form a government; and he agreed to do so, on condition that reform of parliament should be made a cabinet question; a condition immediately granted. As the news spread through the land, it excited a stronger sensation than men of a future time could perhaps be easily made to understand. The interest felt for Lord Grey was strong. Men remembered his advocacy of reform of parliament in the last century; his patient and dignified assertion of the principle and ultimate necessity of the case during a long course of years, obscure and unprosperous for him; and the deep melancholy of his unhappy speech against Canning, three years before, when he spoke of his own political career as over, and his political loneliness as complete. Now, with more years upon his honoured head, he stood at the summit of affairs, empowered to achieve with his own hand the great object of his life and time, and surrounded by comrades of his own choice and appointment. This trait of the time interested the hearts of hundreds of thousands; but to the millions there was something far more exciting still. before the Christmas recess or after. Before a single week from the panic, they were out. On the 15th, Sir Henry Parnell made his promised motion for a select committee to examine the accounts connected with the civil list. The debate was not long, the ministers declaring that simplification and retrenchment had been carried as far as was possible; and the opposition desiring to have it proved whether the matter was so. On the division, the government were left in a minority of twenty-nine, in a House of 437 members. Mr. Hobhouse asked Sir Robert Peel whether the ministers would retain their seats after such a division; but he received no answer. He was about to press the question, when Mr. Brougham proposed to wait till the next day for the answer and the appointment of the committee just decided upon. The committee, however, was appointed at once; the reply was waited for. The ministers afterwards declared that they might not have considered this division on the civil list reason enough for their resignation, by itself; but that they considered with it the probable result of Mr. Brougham's motion for parliamentary reform, which was to be debated on the night after the civil list question. On that evening, the 16th, the Duke of Wellington came down to announce to the Lords that his resignation of office had been presented and accepted, and that he continued in his position only till his successor should have been appointed. In the other House, Sir Robert Peel made the same declaration on behalf of himself and all the other members of the administration. Lord Althorp immediately requested Mr. Brougham to defer his motion on parliamentary reform, which was too important to be debated while the government of the country was in an unsettled state. Mr. Brougham expressed great reluctance, and threw the responsibility upon the House of delaying the matter till the 25th; declaring that he would then bring it forward, whatever might be the condition of circumstances, and whoever might be his majesty's ministers. No one had any doubt about who, in the main, would be his majesty's ministers. It was well understood that the great day was at hand when the British polity was to renew its youth and replenish its |