certain train of being redressed ere they parted with their money) that in the form of the debate such a length is required as the urgent nature of his business will not possibly endure." He then called upon the House to trust to the King's word, as confidently as they would to an acknowledged law, that he would do all they required in the redress of grievances; and he begged them, therefore, not to make their redress precedent to the supply of his urgent necessities. He concluded by declaring that "the wrath of a king is like the roaring of a lion, and all laws with his wrath are of no effect; but the King's favour is like the dew upon the grass:' thus all may prosper; and may God make him the instrument to unite all our hearts." Sir Benjamin Rudyerd, who followed the Secretary of State, thus addressed the House:

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"We are now upon a businesse of great importance, and the manner of handling it may be as great as even the business itself. Liberty is a precious thing, for every man may set his own price upon it; and he that doth not value it deserves to be valued accordingly. For my own part, I am clear without scruple, that what we have resolved is according to law; and if any judge in England were of a contrary opinion, I am sure we should have heard of him ere Out of all question, the very scope and drift of

now.

Magna Charta was to reduce the regal to a legal power in matters of imprisonment, or else it had not been worth so much contending for.

"But there have been precedents brought to prove the practice and interpretation of the law. I confess I have heard many precedents of utility and respect, but none at all of truth or of law: certainly there is no court of justice in England that will discharge a prisoner committed by the King-rege inconsulto, i. e. without acquainting the King; yet this good manners was never made nor mentioned as a legal part of the delivery.

"It is objected that the King ought to have a trust left and reposed in him. God forbid but he should, and I hope it is impossible to take it from him; for it lies not in the art of man to devise such a law, as shall comprehend all particulars, all accidents, but that extraordinary causes may happen, which, when they come, if they be disposed of for the common good, there will be no law against them: yet must the law be general, for otherwise, admissions and exceptions will fret and eat out the law to nothing. God himself hath constituted a general law of nature to govern the ordinary course of things, but he hath made no laws for miracles; yet there is this observation of them, that they are rather præter naturam than contra naturam, and always propter bonos fines. So likewise the King's prerogatives are rather beside the law than against it; and when they are directed to right ends for the publick good, they are not only concurring laws, but even laws of singularity and excellency.

"But to come nearer, let us consider where we are now, and what steps we have gone and gained: the King's learned council have acknowledged all the laws to be still in force, the judges have not allowed any judgment against these laws; the Lords also have confessed that the laws are in full strength; they have further retained our resolutions entire, and without prejudice.

"All this hitherto is for our advantage; but above all, His Majesty hath this day (himself being publickly present) declared by the mouth of the Lord Keeper, before both the Houses, that Magna Charta and the other six statutes are still in force; that he will maintain his subjects in the liberty of their persons and the property of their goods; and that he will govern according to the laws of the kingdom. This is a solemn and binding satisfaction, expressing his gracious readiness to comply with his people in all their reasonable and just desires. The King is a good man; and it is no diminution to a King to be called so, for whosoever is a good man shall be greater than a King that is not so. The King certainly is very tender of his present honour and of his fame hereafter he will think it hard to have a worse mark set upon him and his government than upon any of his ancestors, by extraordinary restraints. His Majesty hath already intimated to us by a message, that he doth willingly give way to have the abuse of power reformed; by which I do verily believe he doth very well understand what a miserable power it is which hath produced so much weakness to himself and to the kingdom; and it is our happiness that he is so ready to redress it.

"For my own part, I shall be very glad to see that good old decrepit law Magna Charta, which hath been kept so long, and lien bed-rid as it were; I shall be glad, I say, to see it walk abroad again with new vigour and lustre, attended by the other six statutes; for questionless it will be a great heartening to all the people. I doubt not, but by a free conference with the Lords, we shall happily fall upon a fair and fit accommodation concerning the liberty of our persons and property of our goods. I hope we shall have a bill to agree on the point, against imprisonment for loans on privy seals. But as for intrinsical power and reason of state, they are matters in the clouds, where I desire we may leave them, and not meddle with them. at all, lest by way of admittance we may lose somewhat of that which is our own already. Yet this, by the way, I will say of reason of state, that in the latitude by which 'tis used, it hath eaten out almost, not only the laws, but all the religion of Christendom. Now, Mr. Speaker, I will only remember you of one precept, and that of the wisest man, Be not over wise, be not over just:' and he cited his reason, 'for why wilt thou be desolate?'

"If justice and wisdom may be stretched to desolation, let us thereby learn that moderation is the virtue of virtues and wisdom of wisdoms. Let it be our masterpiece so to carry our business that we may keep Parliaments on foot. For as long as they be frequent, there will be no irregular power, which, though it cannot be broken at once, yet in a short time will be made weaker and moulder away. There

K

can be no total and final loss of liberty but by loss of Parliaments; for as long as they last, what we cannot get at one time, we shall have at another.

"Let no man think that what I have said is the language of a private end, my aim is only for the good success of the whole; for, I thank God, my mind stands above any fortune that is to be gotten by base or unworthy means. No man is bound to be rich or great; no, nor to be wise: but every man is bound to be honest. Out of my heart have I spoken."

Upon this debate, it was ordered that a committee of lawyers do draw up a bill containing the substance of Magna Charta and the other statutes that do concern the liberty of the subject, which business took up two whole days.

Various messages were sent by the King to hasten the supply; but the House still proceeded with grievances, particularly that which related to the liberty of the subject which the King had promised to redress, by giving his assent to any bill they might propose upon the question. Sir Edward Coke wished the bill to proceed direct from the King. "We will and grant for us and our successors," &c. But while on this subject, other messages came from the King which contained an assurance that "he would, if they hastened to give him the supplies,