the Education and Employment of the People-on Systematic Colonization-and on the Welfare of the Labouring Classes. By James S. Buckingham.

Another Letter to the Viscount Sandon, M.P., containing a Protest against some Propositions laid down by the Rev. Hugh M'Neile, Respecting the intended Grant to Maynooth. By Rowland Williams, M.A. Fasting Not a Christian Duty. An Essay occasioned by the Increased Importance attached to its Observance. By John Collyer Knight, of the British Museum.

A Lecture on the Arguments for Christian Theism, from Organized Life and Fossil Osteology, Containing Remarks on a Work entitled Vestiges of the Natural History of Creation.' By John Sheppard.

The Position, Prospects, and Duties of that Body of Christians usually denominated Independents or Congregationalists, briefly considered, the Substance of a Paper read before an Assembly of Ministers at Brighton, April 16th, 1844. By William Davis, Minister of the Croft Chapel, Has tings.

Church Patronage, more particularly as developed in the so-called National Establishment of England and Wales, as also in Ireland. By Matthew Bridges, Esq.

American Facts, Notes, and Statistics relative to the Government Resources, Engagements, Manufactures, Commerce, Religion, Education, Literature, Fine Arts, Manners and Customs, of the United States of America. By George Palmer Putnam. With Portrait and a Map.

On the Origin and Ramifications of the English Language. Preceded by an Enquiry into the Primitive Seats, Early Migrations, and Final Settlements of the Principal European Nations. By Henry Welsford, Esq. The Power of the Soul over the Body, considered in relation to Health and Morals. By George Moore, M.D.

History of the Reformation in Switzerland. By Abraham Ruchat, Minister of the Gospel, and Professor of Belles Lettres in the Academy of Lausanne. The first four vols. to the year 1537. Edition of M. L.Vulliemin. In seven vols., at Nyon, Switzerland, A.D. 1838. Abridged from the French. By the Rev. J. Collinson, M.A.

Education the Birthright of every Human Being, and the only Scriptural Preparation for the Millenium; exhibiting the present imperfect State of Popular Instruction, and the Means of rendering it Effectual for the Salvation of the Country and the World. By the Rev. B. Parsons.

Life of Jean Paul F. Richter. Compiled from various Sources; together with his Auto-biography. Translated from the German. 2 vols.

The Life of the Rev. Joseph Blanco White. Written by Himself. With Portions of his Correspondence. Edited by John Hamilton Thom. 3 vols. The Angels of God; their Nature, Character, Ranks, and Ministerial Services, as Exhibited in the Holy Scriptures. By the Rev. Thomas Timpson.

Our Era. A Soliloquy in Three Parts-Social-Political-Religious. With Miscellaneous Pieces. By W. Leask.

The Rejected Cases. With a Letter to Thomas Wakley, M.P., On the Scientific Character of Homœopathy. By John Epps, M.D.

THE

ECLECTIC REVIEW

FOR JUNE, 1845.

Art. I. Die Christliche Gemeinde zu Philippi. Ein exegetischer Versuch. Von Wilhelm Heinrich Schinz. Zürich, 1833, 8vo.

2. Erklärung des Briefes Pauli an die Philipper. Von C. S. Matthies. Greifswald, 1833, 8vo.

3. Befreiung des Apostels Paulus aus seiner so genannten ersten römischen Gefangenschaft. Von Heinrich Böttger. Göttingen, 1837, 8vo. 4. Kleine Theologische Schriften. Von Dr. J. P. Mynster: Kopenhagen, 1825, 8vo. No. V.

IN examining the epistle to the Philippians, we shall arrange our observations under the following heads:

I. Some circumstances connected with Philippi.

II. The time and place at which the epistle was written.

III. The person by whom it was sent.

IV. State of the church to which it was addressed.

V. Some peculiarities in the exordium and conclusion. VI. Genuineness and authenticity.

VII. Contents.

Philippi originally belonged to Thrace, but was afterwards reckoned to Macedonia. According to Diodorus Siculus, it was formerly called Kpivides, from the multitude of springs in the vicinity. It was situated on a rising ground beyond the river Strymon, where the Thracian Hamus slopes towards the sea, opposite the island of Thasus. Philip, perceiving the importance of the situation, repaired and enlarged the town, fortify

ing it against the incursions of the Thracians. From him it was called Philippi. The battles fought in its vicinity are remarkable in history, especially the second, with which its name is more immediately identified. In Acts xvi. 12, Luke notices it in the following terms: The chief city of that part of Macedonia and a colony.' The meaning of this clause has given rise to considerable diversity of opinion. There is no reason for doubting the correctness of the received reading and having recourse to conjectural emendation. When Paulus Æmilius conquered Perseus, he divided Macedonia into four parts or regions, to the first of which Philippi was assigned. Yet Amphipolis was the metropolis of the division. Пlpáry cannot mean the leading city or the capital. Neither can it be shewn, that after the battle of Philippi, it was elevated to the rank which Amphipolis had previously enjoyed. Some think that pr designates locality, i.e. the first Macedonian city which one coming from proconsular Asia would naturally arrive at. There is some geographical difficulty connected with this opinion, since, on such ground, Neapolis would claim the title first. Rettig, and after him Winer, assign the following sense: 'which is the first city (from the sea) of the province of Mace. donia,' i.e. of Macedonia proper, whither Paul had been directed by a vision. This interpretation is somewhat forced and unnatural. Why should a maritime town of Macedonia, such as Neapolis, be denied the appellation first in geographi cal relation to a person coming from Troas to Macedonia? Why should the measurement begin at the sea on which Nea polis is situated, rather than at the country or place from which the apostle set out on his way to Macedonia? Surely the latter is more natural. It is better to assign wτŋ to rank in prefe rence to locality; and thus the true sense has been given by our translators, viz., the chief city of that part of Macedonia.' Philippi enjoyed certain privileges conferred upon it by the Romans. It was a Roman colony, Julius Cæsar having allowed numbers whom he had expatriated in consequence of their ad herence to Antony, to inhabit it and other towns in the same district. The rights which it possessed were granted by Augus tus, who probably bestowed the title póry mós, a title which did not convey much real advantage. It is objected, however, that the honourable appellation in question belonged only to the cities of Asia Minor under the Romans, such as Nicomedia, Nicæa, Ephesus, Smyrna, and Pergamus, as ancient coins shew; while none of the coins relating to Philippi bear the same title. In reply, we may refer, with Credner, to the nearness and connexion between it and Asia Minor; as also to the emptiness of the epithet itself.

The apostle visited the city on his second missionary journey, accompanied by Silas, Timothy, and Luke. This was, perhaps, about the year of our Lord 53. He preached in a Jewish proseucha, for there was no synagogue. On this occasion Lydia believed. But he suffered severely from the selfish heathen, and the rash magistrates of the place, by whom he was imprisoned. After a short stay he left the city (Acts xvi.) During his absence, Luke, Epaphroditus, and perhaps Clement (iv. 3), with others not mentioned, laboured to carry forward the work, by enlarging and strengthening the church which Paul had founded. On his third missionary journey from Corinth to Jerusalem, he visited it again (Acts xx.), but this may have been the third time; for it appears from 2 Cor. vii. 5, 6, that he met Titus in Macedonia, and wrote thence probably from Philippi-his second Epistle to the Corinthians, as the subscription states.

Thus Philippi was the first European town that received the gospel. The standard of divine truth was planted where the standards of contending armies had formerly met; and the glory of a mighty conflict, embodying the antagonistic spirit of republicanism and despotism, fades before the peaceful victory of the Cross. The historian of Rome will always point to Philippi as the scene of a memorable struggle, and lament over the fallen Brutus, the stern defender of his country's freedom; but the sacred historian will prefer to speak of a spiritual victory achieved by the gospel, and a glorious freedom thence communicated to the Philippian citizens. Brutus and Cassius, Augustus and Antony, vanish from the view of enlightened patriotism before Paul and Silas, and Luke and Epaphroditus victors nobler far, than blood-stained Romans at the head of sanguinary armies.

II. Time and place at which the Epistle was written.

Several circumstances were stated in a former article to prove that the Epistle was written during the Roman, not the Cæsarean captivity. It is not our intention to repeat them now. The term πραιτώριον, on which the burden of the proof was partly rested in favour of Rome, has been applied to Cæsarea by Boettger. It is certainly used of the palace of Herod at Cæsarea (Acts xxiii. 35). It is also applied to the residence or palace of the procurator of any Roman province (Mat. xxvii. 27; Mark xv. 16; John xviii. 28-33; xix. 9). But in the present epistle it appears to signify the camp or quarters of the prætorian cohorts at Rome; or the prætorian cohorts themselves; or the palace of Cæsar the chief prætor, who had soldiers to guard his person. It has been alleged, that Acts xxiii. 35, as compared with xxviii. 16, shows Paul to have

been kept in the prætorium at Cæsarea; while, on the contrary, he was allowed to have his own house at Rome; and, therefore, that the term, as here employed in reference to his imprisonment, must point to the former place. But it is not stated in the Epistle to the Philippians that he resided in the prætorium; all that is affirmed is, that his imprisonment for the cause of Christ was well known in all the palace. But the expression oixia Kaioagos is more explicit in favour of Rome. Herod could scarcely be termed Cæsar: this were an unusual and unauthorized application of the title: it belongs to Nero, but not to Herod. Hence we infer, that the Epistle was written during the Roman rather than the Cæsarean captivity. It now remains to show that it was composed when the time of this imprisonment was verging towards its close. In chaps. i. 12, 13, 14, and ii. 26, a considerable period is presupposed, so that the good fruit of Paul's ministry had become apparent: But I would ye should understand, brethren, that the things which happened unto me have fallen out rather unto the furtherance of the gospel; so that my bonds in Christ are manifest in all the palace, and in all other places; and many of the brethren in the Lord waxing confident by my bonds, are much more bold to speak the word without fear. For he longed after you all and was full of heaviness, because that ye had heard that he had been sick.' The last passage shows that some time must have elapsed from Epaphroditus's arrival. In connexion with the preceding notices, we direct attention to what the writer says in ii. 24: 'But I trust in the Lord that I also myself shall come shortly,' and i. 25, 26, And having this confidence, I know that I shall abide and continue with you all for your furtherance and joy of faith; that your rejoicing may be more abundant in Jesus Christ for me by my coming to you again.' Still, however, the apostle was not without some doubts as to the issue. He was not absolutely certain of a favourable and speedy termina. tion of his captivity. Hence he writes: According to my earnest expectation and hope that in nothing I shall be ashamed, but that with all boldness, as always, so now also, Christ shall be magnified in my body, whether it be by life or by death. Yea, and if I be offered upon the sacrifice and service of your faith, I joy, and rejoice with you all.-Him therefore I hope to send presently, as soon as I shall see how it will go with me.' (i. 20; ii. 17, 23). Michaelis supposes, that the strong expression Tеñolas olsa, (chap. i. 25) implies that Paul was actually assured by an internal communication from heaven that he should be released. But the uncertain mode in which he speaks in other places is more suggestive of the view that in chap. i. 25, he spoke from the promptings of his own mind. He had