and people, and are likewise, for the time to come, destructive to all well-grounded, firm, and lasting unity, peace, and concord in this realm, and consequently to the strength of the same. Proof. THE narrative is evident from history, the rest from reason; for how can there be union in affection betwixt those that are professed strangers and enemies one to another, as this title and innovations, the ensigns of hostility, render our Kings and people? Moreover the said title, by reason of the unlimited prerogative inseparably appendent, is apt to suggest seeds of tyranny to the crown, as it hath continually done, and consequently of insurrections to the subject, to the disturbance of the publick peace; which is confirmed by the said many civil wars we have had in this kingdom since these abuses were set on foot, whereas before we never had any; and weakness must needs wait upon that body, where there is such a disunion and antipathy betwix the head and members. Proposition 5. That the introduction of the said title and innovations was, and the retaining of them is, contrary to the fundamental constitution of this kingdom. Proof. FOR the Norman * duke was admitted as legatee of St. Edward, and upon his oath to preserve our laws and liberties, and not as a conqueror, nor yet for an innovator, as the most authentick historians testify; among whom honest Æmilius Veronensis, an impartial stranger, writing of this matter, saith expressly, Non ipsi homines sed causa defuncti victa extinctaque; That it was not the English nation, but the usurper Harold that was overcome, and as, in opposition to the innovations, I shall make more clear in the confirmation of my next proposition; insomuch that the violent introduction of the said abuses was, and the pertinacious upholding of them, is an usurpant, perjurious, and perfidious robbing us of the title and quality of a free nation. Proposition 6. That the retaining of the same is contrary to the coronation oath of all ⚫ur Kings, and to the oaths and duties of parliament and people. Proof. FOR it is the first and chief part of the proper and solemn oath of all our Kings at their coronation, as it was the first Norman's like oath, either at his coronation, or at least, † before his full admission and con Not any history or record saith that he claimed the crown, before he had it, as conqueror of England, much less that he was acknowledged for such by the English, or submitted to under that title; therefore the assumption of that title afterwards was usurpatory. See my Anti-Norm. p. 15, 19. + See Mr. Prynne's citations of testimonies to this purpose, in his S. P. p. 51, 53, and my Anti Norm. p. 15. firmation by the English state, to preserve our laws and liberties estab◄ lished by St. Edward; which are inconsistent with the said title and innovations: neither can any man say, that, because the oath binds also to the confirmation of other King's grants, therefore these innovations are included; for grants imply a precedent asking, and how far these innovations were from ever being asked I have before shewn; and moreover, the confirmation is especially limited to the laws of King Edward, as being both the most desired and desirable. And, for parliament and people, they are bound both by their natural and official duties, and moreover by their late solemn covenant, unto the vindication of their naturral rights and liberties, of which the said title and innovations are the greatest opposers, as I have before shewn, Proposition 7. That, until this title and innovations are abolished, there can be no honour, freedom, or happiness to this nation; that the inception of that enterprise is the most hopeful means for curing the present divisions; and that there is no colourable objection against the performing it. Proof. FOR, nntil the cause be taken away, the effect is not like to cease. I have before shewn how destructive these abuses are to our honour, rights, and unity; while they remain, we are in the quality of captive slaves, and our kings in the semblance of foreign and usurping lords: and, as these evils were the cause of the first fracture, and consequent antipathy in this kingdom, betwixt crown and subject, so there can be no solid closure between them, until they are repealed. These being removed, the whole nation, both King and people, will be restored into the quality of one natural body, which, as * Fortescue hath aptly observed out of Aristotle, hath a set form of duty and affection constituted betwixt the head and members. And, as touching this work's expediency toward re-uniting divided Englishmen, it is evident; for, if the common honour and happiness of the nation be the scope of their designs, they have no other highway to their end, but this. Also it may be learned from the common practice of distracted states, whose usual emedy is the assaulting of a common enemy; of which sort are these abuses, being a common usurpation, that hath a more general, hostile, and mischievous malignity against our nation in it, than any other adversary we have at this day, save that it wants strength and formidableness, for that there is no man amongst us hath any colourable cause to defend it. Moreover, until this be redressed, all else, that is done, is but as building of castles in the air, that have no firm foundation, but may be blown down with the king's arbitrary breath, as I have before proved. And, if any object the troublesomeness and difficulty of rooting out the innovations, I answer: that that particular may be consummated at leisure; that we have taken more pains about things of lower * See Mr. Prynne's Citation of him, in his S. P. p. 38. concernment; and that the restoration of our rights ought not to seem unto us more laborious, or difficult, than did to our enemies the introducing of the contrary. Proposition 8. That all Englishmen, that are active in maintaining the said title and innovations, are the most flagitious traitors, both to their King and country, that ever were. Proof: IT is apparent from the premisses, it being also evident, that, in comparison of such, Strafford in his worst appearance was a good patriot; and, as for the defaults of former times in this particular, they are not now pretendible for excuse; for that now Heaven holds forth power and opportunity far more liberally than ever heretofore, or, perhaps, than hereafter, for asserting of truth, and establishing of righteousness, in this kingdom. THE BRITISH BELLMAN. Printed in the year Of the saints fear. Anno Domini, 1648. Quarto, containing twenty-four pages. ORDERED, That a competent number of these books be forthwith printed, for the service of the King and kingdom, and be dispersed through all counties, cities, boroughs, and towns corporate, and all other markettowns whatsoever, within this realm of England, and dominion of Wales; and that all, who love their king and country, and hate rebellion and treason, do forthwith make all provision and speed that may be, to rise, and take by force, or otherwise, all garisons they can, in all parts of the kingdom, and summon in the country to them, for the speedier suppression of these abominable malicious rebels and traitors, this prevailing party in the parliament houses, and their army, who, by wicked craft and subtlety, have undone three flourishing kingdoms already, and yet would again engage us in another war with our brethren of Scotland. It is also desired, that our brethren of the association would keep their men in the field, and, when Cromwell is gone for Wales, fall upon the other part of the army, remaining in the country near us, with all the power of horse and foot they can make, and we will endeavour, in the city, to second them to the utmost of our power; now is the time for us to free ourselves from slavery, and put an end unto taxations, we shall never have a settlement else. Yes, O yes, if any one can give me notice of four great ships, laden with money, lately at Gravesend, to be passed without search, by ordinance of parliament, and can help to take them, he shall be well paid for his pains, and have many thanks. O yes, O yes, if there be any more fools or knaves, that will go soul and body to the devil, for an heretical, perfidious piece of a parliament, incendiaries, boutifeu's, Faux's of faction and sedition, with brazen faces, and seared consciences; having nothing but perjury and lyes in their mouths; falshoods, treasons, and mis-religions in their hearts; daily murders, robberies, and oppressions in their actions; let them repair to the red-nosed rebel, thieftenant Oliver, or his black general Tom. Who helps to disthrone the king, to change monarchical government, to subvert the protestant religion, and laws of our land. to cry down presbytery and crown, the kinglings, the buffoons, the mountebanks of Westminster? Who saves the lordly Lurdanes, after seven years misrule, undoing of the kingdom, imprisoning, and abusing of the King, and suffering Haman to strike him, from taking leave of their allies at Tower-hill and Tyburn? 0 yes, who sacrifices the city and country another seven years to their insatiable avarice? Who helps them to pill and poll them by their ravenous implements, the committees and their substitutes, for more money to send beyond sea? O yes, who buys bishops, malignants lands? Who buys Paul's stee ple? Who buys the King's cast shoes and boots? Who buys his guards coats? Who buys sun and moon? O yes, Who sends them thanks for their ordinance for forcing taxations for their four last bills and declaration against the King? Who beats the boys from cats-pellet, and stool-ball? Who fights with Poyer, with the Lord Inchequin, with Colonel Jones of Dublin, and our brethren of Scotland? Who, and they shall have new snapsacks in hand, blue bonnets, and capon tails, when the Scotch and Welch be conquered, promises enough for the present, and as much pay at last as those that have been turned off with nothing. In the beginning of this hell-spewed sessions, we had as large promises of happy accruements to this church and nation as subtle treason could in sly and specious language possibly suggest. We had them ushered in with a protestation in the first place; in which our religion, our laws, our King's honour, his parliaments privileges, our own liberties and properties were the common themes. We had them waited upon with an oath after, and a covenant, which nevertheless were only to be as the passages at which Jephtha's soldiers tried the lisping Ephraimites in their Sibboleth: witness your answer of the twenty-sixth of May, 1646, unto our city remonstrance, in the latter end of page 2. We had many pamphlets commended daily unto us, The Integrity of a Parliament, how that it could have no sinister end; as if a multitude could be void of knaves to contrive, and of fools to concur in mischief. Many plots were discovered daily against our religion and our laws, in which ye Machiavels of Westminster, ye Malevolo's might have claimed the chiefest livery, as Beelzebub's nearest attendants in that kind; but they must be fathered still upon our old justicers, and indeed they can do little, that cannot bely an enemy. Ye thought it best to cry whore first, that in them you might by little and little undermine our King and us; and sacrifice our religion, our laws, our goods, our lives and liberties, yea, our very souls too, for ye have silenced almost all our able guides, and daily burn their escripts, unto your own boundless lusts, ambition, pride, covetousness, and pleasure. These were the originals, the springs of your after-acted villainies; not that candour and zeal so often dissembled in your glossy declarations. It is now sufficiently manifest by your actions, the truest interpreters of men's intentions. How would you have us think you really intend as you pretended, when the courses you run conduce to the very contrary ends? Whilst the King and his faithfuls retained their places of dominion, we enjoyed such golden days of peace and plenty, as we must never see again, so long as you harpyes, you sucking purse-leeches and your implements be our masters. Were we not enough damnified with your soldiers, during the time of the war, but you must still burden us with them, now it is ended? Did not taxations then light heavy enough upon us, but you must continue them still? How could you consume more than twenty mil lions of money upon such slender armies in so few years? The soldiers have had little, else, save bread and cheese, which have come from the country, over and above those vast sums; Oh! your coffers are not yet full enough; some of your monkey-brats are not yet provided for; but hye you hence, it is best, you urchins, you caterpillers of our commonwealth, to New England and the Spaw, after our gold you have sent away, lest on a sudden we send you to Styx without a penny in your mouths to pay your passage to your God Pluto. Our brethren of Scotland, and the Lord Inchequin, will find you more work than the boys in Moorfields and the Strand: your goodly glossings and rabble-serving collnsions have been but like watermen upon the Thames, looking one way and rowing another; and now you see your holy cause will not succeed by opposition, you come up, and would close, since money will not work upon our brethren of Scotland, with our city in the presbyterian government, in the restitution of the militia and Tower: but for the protestant religion, and our old rubrick, you still wave them. I pray you let me ask your honesties a question? Could Say and his confederates have their nocturnal meetings so frequently, and not have some treasonable designs, which the rest of the houses and ourselves might not be privy to? We may see now the reason of your bill, to sit as long as you listed; we trusted, such rare men were you in |
