jurisdiction than they ought. Qui non liberè veritatem pronuntial, proditor veritatis est. Wherein, if any of our honourable friends shall take offence, our apology shall be, amicus Plato, amicus Socrates, sed magis amica Veritas. Having ever in memory that saying of the kingly prophet, 'Keep innocency, and take heed to the thing that is right, and that will bring a man peace at the last.

rivals. The bigotry of his aversion to Roman Catho- them, or which without warrant have encroached more lies and Jews was nothing more than one man's share in a general epidemic. All that he could claim as peculiarly his own was the perverse ingenuity in which his intemperance was displayed. The reason why, upon this circuit, he refused to swear Jews as witnesses, could have occurred to nobody but Coke; for that they are alien enemies, being the subjects of the Devil, who is at perpetual enmity with Christ, whose subjects we are.

'And you honourable and reverend judges and jusThe object which we have had principally before us tices, that do or shall sit in the high tribunals and in the course which our observations have taken has courts or seats of justice, as aforesaid, fear not to do been the character of Coke. A comparison between right to all, and to deliver your opinions justly, accordhim and Bacon would have been very interesting;-ing to the laws; for fear is nothing but a betraying of men all their lives, so near and yet so opposite, and the succours that reason should afford. And if you who exercised so vast an influence upon the fortunes of shall sincerely execute justice, be assured of three each other. We had wished to have represented Coke things:-First, though some may malign you, yet God more at length in his quieter intermediate parts of will give you his blessing. Secondly, that though thereJudge and Reporter, as well as in the more ambitious by you may offend great men and favourites, yet you ones of Crown Lawyer, to which he enslaved his man- shall have the favourable kindness of the Almighty, hood, and of Constitutional Lawyer, to which he dedi- and be his favourites. And, lastly, that in so doing, cated so much of his old age. We should have liked, too, against all scandalous complaints and pragmatical deto have shown him in the House of Commons with his vices against you, God will defend you as with a shield: colleagues, 'rejoicing in his Progress like a Parliament "For thou, Lord, wilt give a blessing unto the righteous, man of Queen Elizabeth's time, bringing them to an- and with thy favourable kindness wilt thou defend him cient orders:' and Sir Dudley Digges reporting upon as with a shield." the general thanks to Coke for his conduct on the 'And for that we have broken the ice, and out of our conference of Monopolies, that Prince Charles (who own industry and observation framed this high and constantly attended in the Lords to awe the patriots) honourable building of the jurisdiction of courts, withhad said, that he was never weary of hearing Sir Ed-out the help or furtherance of any that hath written of ward Coke, he so mixed mirth and gravity together.' this argument before, I shall heartily desire the wiseThe whole might have made an amusing and instruc-hearted and expert builders (justice being architectonica tive picture. Although he was no true law reformer, virtus), to amend both the method or uniformity, and his views for the criminal law are curious, as contrasted with his conduct; and are in singular advance of the intelligence and humanity of his age. But we must conclude, and we certainly cannot do so more favourably for Coke, than in the words with which himself sums up his life of labour-committing his writings and his actions to the care and censure of after times. "Whilst we were in hand with these four parts of the Institutes, we often having occasion to go into the city, and from thence into the country, did in some sort envy the state of the honest ploughman, and other mechanics;

the structure itself, wherein they shall find either want of windows, or sufficient lights, or other deficiency in the architecture whatsoever. And we will conclude with the aphorism of that great lawyer and sage of the law, Master Plowden (which we have heard him often say)-BLESSED be the amending hand.'

From the Monthly Review.

VETHAKE'S POLITICAL ECONOMY.

VETHAKE, LL.D. one of the Professors in the Uni-
versity of Pennsylvania; a Member of the American
Philosophical Society, &c. Philadelphia: P. II.
Nicklin and T. Johnson. 1838.

for the one, when he was at his work, would merrily The Principles of Political Economy. By HENRY sing, and the ploughman whistle some self-pleasing tune, and yet their work both proceeded and succeeded: but he that takes upon him to write, doth captivate all the faculties and powers both of his mind and body, and must be only intentive to that which he collecteth, without any expression of joy or cheerfulnesse, whilst he is in his work.

Throughout all this treatise, we have dealt clearly and plainly concerning some pretended courts, which either are no courts warrantable by law, as we conceive

It is not with the most distant intention of entangling ourselves in the mazes of controversy about a subject on which the most patient and laborious minds have widely differed, a subject for which some claim the dignified title of science, while others refuse to

accord to it this honour, that we take up the present their means of enjoyment, most persons are engaged in volume. Whatever may be the ascertained and in-producing, either what is to be directly appropriated to

variable principles of political economy, they are at least only deducible by means of such a severe, abstruse, and metaphysical course of investigation and reasoning, taking only its technical terms into account, as to place it beyond the reach of a short and popular dissertation. Again, the fact that there is scarcely any one topic in the whole range of the study, which has not relations less or more numerous, and less or more delicate with others, interposes a bar to any satisfactory treatment of its many doctrines within our limits. In justice to our readers, however, who may be already acquainted with the existing state of the subject, or who may be about to enter upon its study, as well as to the learned author of the volume before us, we shall mention some of the peculiar features of the work, and quote a few specimens illustrative of the author's opinions and manner.

There is a considerable amount of novelty in the arrangement and in the matter of Dr. Vethake's book;

satisfy their own desires, or, more frequently, what is destined, by being exchanged for the products of the labour of others, to minister to the enjoyment of their fellow-men. In other words, most men are producers of utility, in the sense in which this word is understood decision of the question whether many objects of man's in political economy. For, leaving to the moralist the pursuit may not in reality be injurious to him, and whether he be not often making a sacrifice of higher, but future, gratification, or even sometimes subjecting himself to future suffering, that he may administer to himself perhaps a small amount only of present enjoyment, the political economist regards every thing as useful which is capable of satisfying, in any degree whatever, any of man's actual wants and desires. Thus spirituous liquors are said to be possessed of utility, because they are of a nature to be objects of men's desire; which desire they evince, and afford a measure of, by the sacrifices they are willing to make in order to obtain them; and this utility is ascribed to those articles, notwithstanding that their use may, in most cases, be justly condemned, and the philanthropist, and the christian, may feel it a duty to make every proper exertion to repress the inconveniences, or mischiefs,

they occasion.

nor can we withhold from it the character of a treatise which has both indicated the path and made progress "But I wish not to be misunderstood. I do not mean in it by which a nearer approach to the great princi- to insinuate, or to admit, that the political economist, because he employs the word utility in reference to ples of political economy may be realized. Our auman as he is, and not as he ought to be, and because thor generally avoids all direct reference to preceding the immediate object he has in view is not the moral writers on the subject, as well as a controversial man-improvement of the species, adopts a low standard of ner; on the other hand, though often adopting the doctrines of his predecessors, classifying his matter in a strictly logical form, and taking nothing for granted until he has endeavoured to establish its truth; not even passing over the introduction of any technical term without an exact definition of the meaning he attaches to it. Accordingly the work requires to be read systematically, by beginning at the beginning of it and proceeding regularly and leisurely to the end before its entire scope and pith can be understood or appreciated; thus rendering it difficult for us to do any part of it justice in the way of extract or connecting remarks. Our first extract, however, does not labour under much disadvantage from coming in an isolated shape, seeing that it constitutes the very first paragraphs in the volume. We give it as a specimen of the definitions of terms that abound in the work, and also of the strict regard which the author uniformly observes in reference to the higher moral relations of his extensive subject. Indeed, he throughout never contents himself with a pursuit merely of abstract principles, but connects every such discovery in the way which it practically bears upon the administration of public affairs, or with the transactions of private life.

"If we look around us, we shall perceive that society is so constituted, that, while only a small portion of mankind are placed by Providence in circumstances of such affluence as to render them disinclined to make any exertions, whether bodily or mental, to enlarge

morals, or is indifferent to such improvement. As well might the votary of any one department of science be taking no interest in the progress of, any other; and the fairly chargeable with necessarily undervaluing, and pursuits of the astronomer or chemist be condemned as vicious in their tendency, because, in observing the phenomena, and investigating the laws, of material nature, they take no cognisance of the categories of right and wrong. So far indeed, I may remark, is the science of political economy from leading to conclusions adverse to the best interests of mankind, and so far is it from even turning the attention of individuals, or of governments, entirely from moral to physical considerations, and teaching them to advance the happiness of society by measures wholly unconnected with morality, that I hope to make it appear to the conviction of my readers, as a legitimate deduction from the principles of the science, that there is no more efficient method of promoting the physical well-being of a people than to diffuse among them, as extensively as possible, the blessings of religion, of morals, and of education. It may likewise be added, that no branch of human knowledge exhibits to us more beautiful illustrations of the consistency of all truth, and of that unity of design which pervades the various provinces of crea

tion.

"No person, after having become acquainted with the elements of our subject, will fail to perceive the desirableness, if not the necessity, of having some word to designate the idea intended to be conveyed by the term utility, as I have defined it; and if any inconveniences should result from the same term being occasionally employed in another acceptation, this will only be one of many instances of a similar kind, which are continually occurring out of the domain of the exact

capital is wealth, but all wealth is not capital; the useful products which are not saved, but appropriated to the gratification of the present, are merely wealth. We do not know that by any short extract the author's reasoning on the subject of immaterial capital can be properly understood; but as he lays great stress upon the doctrine as laid down by him, believing it not only never to have been before fully recognised, but to be essential to a correct appreciation of the intellectual and moral relations of political economy, we shall take his most concise account of his argument upon this point.

sciences, and which require from the student, as an es- guished from wealth by being that which is saved for sential condition to the acquisition of real knowledge, the purpose of again producing wealth. Hence all a certain perspicacity in readily perceiving the different shades of meaning of which the same forms of language admit. Whenever also an idea is considered as of sufficient importance to require it to be designated by a single term, almost the only practicable method of proceeding, in fixing upon the proper word for the purpose intended, is to select such a one as is already employed to denote some idea bearing an analogy to that which is to be expressed; for to coin an entirely new word may be regarded as wholly out of the question. The closer, too, the analogy, the better, as less violence is then done to existing usage. Now in the instance under consideration, the term utility is certainly employed very much in accordance with the meaning attached to it in common language. We speak of a bad use of an object, as well as of a good use of it; and we speak of the utility of weapons, both of offence and defence, although, if men were prevented, by the nonexistence of those of the former description, from injuring one another, a considerable addition would be implied to the sum of human happiness. It seems to me, then, that it cannot reasonably be denied that the political economists are fully justified in the use they make of the term utility; while it may be allowed, that "Again, what is saved and appropriated as capital is they are also called upon to be cautious how they con- tion of wealth; it is merely consumed by a different not of necessity consumed slower than any other porfound this use of it with its more dignified acceptation, class of persons. We have here therefore no reason when it refers, not to the gratification alone of his pre-why capital should not be composed, like that portion sent desires, but to man's happiness in reference to the

whole of his future career."

Our author goes on to remark that certain objects are possessed of utility, though not susceptible of being appropriated,—such as the air we breathe, and, very generally, the water we drink; and all other objects besides these and the like he comprehends under the term wealth. Wealth, in short, is that which may be produced as well as consumed; and the production and consumption of wealth are synonymous phrases with the production and consumption of utility. Hence the province of political economy is to determine the laws which regulate the production, distribution, and consumption of wealth,—the practical object always being held in view, how individuals and governments ought to conduct themselves in the disposal of the wealth under their control, so as to promote in as great a degree as possible the happiness of mankind.

exist, whether it be material or Immaterial, than that a "No other test of the increase of wealth can possibly greater quantity of it is produced and consumed in a given time than before. But since nothing more is intended by the accumulation of wealth than the increase of it, it will manifestly be proper to speak of the accumulation of immaterial products.

of wealth which is not capital, in part of the products which are immaterial, as well as of those which are material. And as, in almost every instance, the real wages of the labourer,-which wages, when advanced capital,-consist, in a certain degree, of immaterial proto him by his employer, are a portion of the latter's ducts, it will follow that immaterial products may be made to constitute a portion of capital.

"Perhaps, too, the analogy which has been pointed out between material and immaterial products will be more clearly apprehended by the reader, if he analyse the gratification of our desires, and compare it with that in which we derive gratification from the latter. He will not be surprised at the closeness of the analogy in question, when he perceives, as he will not fail to persimply-agreeable sensations. The entire utility of the ceive, that, in both cases alike, the ultimate product is house in which we dwell, for example, arises from its adaptation to produce a series of such sensations in our minds, just as the products of the painter or the musician are adapted to do."

the mode in which the former of these administers to

The argument is, that immaterial objects or products admit of being accumulated in the proper sense of the word. That the wages for example, which a master pays his labourer, and by which that labourer

Taking his subject in this shape and uniformly abiding by it, we must allow to Dr. Vethake the honour of having lent it importance and dignity of a much more interesting character than is generally bestowed upon the deductions of economists. In this way, too, there being a perfect consistency in the legiti-purchases a physician's advice or secures the protecmate results drawn from all sorts of truth, the hard and repulsive conclusions of merely a scientific nature are softened and warmed.

One of the most novel features in the present treatise consists in our author's comprehending not only under the definition of wealth, but likewise of capital, immaterial products, as well as those which are material. Capital, the reader is to understand, is distin

tion of the government, form in reality a portion of the master's capital savings, or reproductive wealth. If this be so in the proper acceptation of the terms wealth and immaterial, it will not be difficult to perceive how much moral and intellectual capital may be accumulated and made rapidly to circulate, be consumed, and be reproduced. And here we may conveniently quote part of what is said in an advanced chapter of the

treatise concerning the encouragement which is due to his command over the necessaries, the luxuries, and intellectual products. the immaterial products of the country.

"We come now to a class of producers who are very generally acknowledged to have peculiar claims to encouragement, as well from the more enlightened portion of the community, as from the government. I mean that class whose products are of an intellectual or im

material character.

The doctrine which our author has laid down concerning wealth, immaterial accumulation, and capital, enables him to dispense with a distinction which has been very generally made between the different kinds of labour, as if it were in certain cases productive, and "The grounds of a distinction here are, first, that in others unproductive. It has been very often said that while almost every individual may be looked upon as all persons engaged in agriculture, manufactures, or estimating, with sufficient accuracy, the relative ad- commerce, are productive, while magistrates, poets, vantages which the different descriptions of material wealth are capable of affording him, such is far from philosophers, lawyers, clergymen, &c. are non-probeing the fact in respect to intellectual products. No ductive labourers; and so far the distinction is correct, recondite knowledge of human nature is requisite to if material products alone are included in the definisatisfy any reflecting mind that, without the species of tion of wealth, although no one can maintain that the encouragement now adverted to, the great body of the labours of a Watt and a Bolton have not, at least inpeople, even in countries where civilization exists in the highest degree to which it has yet attained, would directly, been instrumental in producing more material advance very slowly, if at all, in the career of improve- wealth, than the labours of many thousands of agriculment. Indeed, to me it is apparent that, but for the turists or manufacturers. But if wealth and capital efforts which have been made, and which will continue are made to comprehend as well immaterial objects to be made, by the more enlightened portion of society, as material, then every species of labour which is to diffuse the blessings of education, of morals, and of religion, as extensively as possible among their fellow-productive of utility, whether this utility be first, so men, and made irrespective too of any previously ex- to speak, embodied in matter, or not, will be producisting demand among the latter for those blessings, tive, and the distinction in question be made to disapmankind would degenerate into a state of hopeless barbarism.

pear altogether. Such are some of Dr. Vethake's deductions on the subject of labour and wealth. One of the practical and moral results from this style of reasoning deserves to find a place among our few extracts.

"The second ground of distinction in the present case, in favour of the intellectual products which have been mentioned, is, that every individual of a nation, or of the great community of mankind, is interested in their being diffused, and, to speak technically, consumed, to the greatest practicable extent. In a country like our "It may here be mentioned that a practical and moral own especially, where the right of suffrage is enjoyed advantage cannot fail to result from getting rid of the by almost every adult male citizen, and is exercised at distinction between the productive and unproductive lacomparatively short intervals, where too, in conse-bourers. Mankind, instead of being separated into two quence, the government is under the direct control of the people, the importance of their being an educated, a moral, and a religious people, cannot be too strongly felt, and acted upon."

The interest which the whole community of a nation possesses not only in the universal prevalence of what is understood by common education, but in the existence and encouragement of academies of a higher order, such as colleges and universities, is manifest and great. Other circumstances being the same, it is well observed by Dr. Vethake, the people generally will be benefited by the existence of a numerous class of highly educated men, especially when, by the direction of certain funds, the sons of persons in the middling walks of life, and in moderate circumstances, are enabled to form a large section of this number, and when not merely the wealthy and the great can command the advantage. In such a country and state of things a taste for knowledge is sure to be created and widely propagated through the successive gradations of society, down to the lowest and the most ignorant; and the consequence cannot fail to be to elevate the character of the labourer, and thereby to augment

classes having occupations essentially differing, and
liable on this account to an interference with each
other's interests, will come to be regarded as constitut-
ing one and the same great family. The politcal econo-
mist, by continually associating together in his investi-
gations every species of manual or bodily labour with
that of the most refined and exalted intellect, cannot fail
to dignify the former in his estimation; while he will,
on the other hand, contribute most effectually to remove
from intellectual labour the stigma which is ordinarily
implied by designating it as unproductive. If he shall
succeed in banishing from the popular language such
phrases as 'the productive classes' and 'the unproduc-
tive classes,' he will have done more to prevent the
'workmen' of a country from esteeming themselves to
be the only useful portion of society, than he could pos-
sibly do by reminding his readers, every time he writes
the word unproductive, that his object in applying it to
any individual is not to pronounce him to be unproduc-
tive of utility, but of material objects having utility,-
not to pronounce him to be a mere consumer of the pro-
ducts of the labour of others, but simply to be not em-
ployed by capital, although perhaps employed in con-
tinually conferring the most extensive benefits on his
do not accord with their popular acceptation, are very apt
fellow-men. The definitions of technical terms, which
to be forgotten even by those who have paid some at-
tention to the science to which those terms relate: and

"Such a system of the poor-laws as is based on the principle of setting the able-bodied pauper to work, at wages lower than the ordinary rate, has the advantage, over a condition of things in which he is left, in the time of his utmost need, exclusively to the tender mercies of his fellow-man, in the greater certainty of finding the assistance he requires, and at the time too when he most requires it, as well as in the greater uniformity of the assistance rendered under similar circumstances of distress; a certainty and a uniformity, as I have shewn, not all productive of injurious consequences to society; but on the contrary desirable, on the system of pauper relief in favour of which I have expressed myself, because of their beneficial effect, in preventing the labourers, who are from time to time thrown out of employ-1.—The Fan-Qui in China in 1836-7. By T. C. ment, from being, in consequence, depressed in their condition as much as they would otherwise be.