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Lord had quite failed to establish his position, that the trade and commerce of this country had lost nothing in consequence of the occupation of Cracow. He well knew that the commerce of this country with Cracow could not at any

noble Lord make out his case? By showing that the amount of general exports to Germany had not fallen off. Supposing that our commerce with Germany in general was in a state of progressive increase, or that the trade with Germany and Poland in general was not falling off, did the noble Lord think that our commerce with Cracow had not fallen off, had not been injured, by the peculiar circumstances

the case of any foreign town-Cadiz, for instance, and suppose that our commerce with Cadiz were cut off by hostile occupation, might not our whole commerce with Spain show, notwithstanding, a state of progressive increase, and how would showing the latter prove that the Cadiz trade was not ruined? The question, in fact, was how did the noble Lord show that our commerce with the whole of the north of the continent would not have shown a greater progressive increase if we had retained the trade of Cracow? But if this

great states), the independent existence of which had been guaranteed by the treaty of 1815. He said, he was convinced that when this temporary necessity was at an end, they would feel the obligation to be absolute to re-establish Cracow in freedom and independence; they would re-time be extremely large; but how did the collect the favour which had always been felt and shown throughout Europe to small communities, like Frankfort, and Lubeck, and Hamburgh, and Cracow; they would see that the rights of these small states could not safely be disturbed; they would not fail to see this on looking to the discussions which had recently taken place in France with reference to this subject, and looking to the possibility that the very strong feeling on the ques-under which it had been placed? Take tion which now lay dormant might be at length excited throughout Europe. It was in reliance upon these considerations and upon others involving the rights of individual states, however small, and upon their sufficiency to induce the three great powers who were the supporters of that principle for which he had great respect, and which had been called the Conservative principle, and with whom he cordially desired to continue relations of amity, to arrive at the same conclusion, that he most earnestly hoped that they would see fit to anticipate the feeling of France and Eng-progressive increase would have been land on this subject, and would of them- greater, then our right to complain on selves, without any interference on the this score of the interference with Crapart of any other power, re-establish the cow was good. Then the noble Lord independence of Cracow. This would be said, that on this occasion he should not far the most satisfactory course which they make any declaration of the intentions of could pursue. He hoped, therefore, that her Majesty's Government with respect to no angry interference with those powers this question. Now, in the propriety of would take place at present, but that they what the noble Lord had stated on this themselves, listening to justice, would of topic, he (Sir R. Peel) quite agreed. themselves re-establish this town in the Indeed, he had thought that the principle freedom which had been guaranteed to it, laid down by the noble Lord as directing and permit Europe to enjoy that spectacle the conduct of the Government, had been which must be most gratifying to every the principle by which all Governments one-namely, of a small state surrounded guided their conduct in matters of this by powerful military governments, but yet nature. Therefore he quite approved of allowed to preserve inviolate its own in- the noble Lord's course, and he thought dependence. He agreed with the noble that the recollection of the noble Lord's Lord that the political question was of declaration of the intention to send a much more importance than the commer-consul to Cracow, and the consequences cial; but he must say, that in this commercial country we could not but view with jealousy, and justifiable jealousy, every infraction of the rights of a free city, which, by a solemn treaty, had been declared to be independent, and to have separate rights of free trade with other

which had followed that declaration, must tend greatly to fortify the noble Lord in the resolution he had taken, not to communicate more of the intentions of her Majesty's Government on such points. He, therefore, congratulated the noble Lord on the determination he had shown,

adhere to It, for he thought that nothing | sent thither from this country, for he was more inconvenient than that a Go-thought there could be but little doubt vernment should announce themselves to that the three powers, when they found the House of Commons as about to adopt that a British Minister in his place in a certain course unless they had positively Parliament had declared that a consul made up their minds to adopt that course. should be sent, had determined to resist The noble Lord had declared four years the measure. He could not but think ago, that it was the intention of Govern- that if the noble Lord had communicated ment to send a consul to Cracow, and by to the three powers, without making premeans of that declaration the noble Lord viously any public notification of it, the had prevailed on an hon. Member of the intention of Great Britain of sending out House of Commons to withdraw a motion a consul, the noble Lord would have sucof rather a hostile character of which he ceeded in establishing consular relations had given notice; and the noble Lord for the protection of commerce. He now told the House that he had reason to concurred with the noble Lord, that if make that declaration, and the noble great powers like England or France were Lord had made a contract between the to push matters to extreme points by an circumstances in which his declaration and appeal to arms upon every trivial occasion, those in which the statement of his (Sir R. there was little probability of general tranPeel's) right hon. Friend had been made quillity being secured; and seeing the that evening, saying that the right hon. language used in the French Chamber, Gentleman had spoken without full infor- the protest which had been made, and the mation on the question, but that the Go-language held by the Minister of France, vernment did not speak without having it was impossible not to observe that the full information. Now, he did not mean question was in a most unsatisfactory to question the fact of the information state. He should conclude by repeating possessed by her Majesty's Government, but he must say, that the niggardliness with which they brought it out, made the contrast between the immensity of their stores, and their small charity to their opponents very great indeed. However, with respect to the noble Lord's declaration of the intention to send a consul, he did not complain that the noble Lord had the courage to recede from his determination if he found it impracticable; but what he did say was, that the noble Lord ought not to have made that declaration without foreseeing what might be the consequences of it; because, in the state in which Poland then was, in the state of the House of Commons, and in the state of things in this country generally, a declaration on the part of Government that they intended to send a consul to Cracow could not but have the most important consequences. There could be no doubt that the people of Cracow, and of Poland generally, when they found that the British Government talked of sending a consul to Cracow, concluded that the Government and people of Great Britain were impressed with the opinion that the claims of Poland were overpowering, and that consequently this step had been resolved upon. He must tell the noble Lord that it was his opinion that this declaration had actually postponed

the hope which he had already expressed, that the three Powers would, in this instance, adopt the course which had been suggested, which, while it was perfectly consistent with their own honour and dignity, would tend much to extinguish those seeds, which in their growth might be dangerous to tranquillity.

Mr. Hume had always viewed the violation of these treaties as a step of which no man ought to approve, and he was happy to hear them condemned by the right hon. Baronet. He did not believe, that any Member of that House had ever expressed his assent to them, for they must all entertain feelings directly opposed to what had taken place in reference to British commerce. He hoped that the Government would persevere in their efforts to maintain international justice, and that they would ultimately compel the aggressive powers to retire from the occupation of Cracow, and thus put an end to the violation of treaties which now existed.

Mr. Colquhoun was glad to see men of all parties joining in one unanimous expression of sympathy in the position of the state of Cracow, and of regret at the violation of treaties. He entirely concurred with the right hon. Baronet, that had more active measures been taken by Government at an earlier period, this usurpa

he complained, that the Government should have paid a considerable sum of money to Dr. Bowring during a period of two years, six months and five days (for he liked to be precise) in which he was a Member of that House. It did look something like a desire to influence his vote. From the commencement of 1835 to the dissolution in 1837, Dr. Bowring was a Member of that House, and during that

he doubted whether the course taken by the noble Lord in 1836, in promising the appointment of a consul, and in 1840 refusing one, was likely to redound to the honour of the country, or add to the character of the Government. The noble Lord had declared that the commerce of Cracow had not suffered by these events. But those interested in that trade declared, that the export trade had been entirely destroyed. The present position of Cra-period, he had received from the Govern

cow was neither honourable to the Govern- ment 3,5797. 8s. for certain services perment nor advantageous to our commerce. formed by him. In 1831, Dr. Bowring Lord Eliot must say, that it seemed received 5001. for a report on the comextraordinary that it required four years mercial affairs of France; in 1839 he to settle the internal affairs of a small received 4637. on the same account. It state like Cracow. But when the noble appeared that a further sum of 3861. had Lord told them that the allied powers still to be paid. Now, the whole. intended to withdraw their garrisons, he amount granted to Dr. Bowring was had not also told them that they intended 14,8581. 12s. 3d.; the amount paid up to to restore the independence of Cracow, the present grant was 11,0717. 13s. In according to the provisions of the treaty. what shape had the money been voted? According to the statement of the right 6621. was under the head of special serhon. Baronet, the representatives of those vices: and there was another sum of 6761. powers had erected themselves into a under the same head. 2,2491. was under permanent conference, and they would not the head of civil contingencies. He allow the interference of the Senate of thought the House ought to know for what Cracow. Yet Cracow was a sovereign service those sums under the head of state-more a sovereign state than the Hanse" special services" had been paid. He Towns or Hamburgh-and her rights hav-complained of the principle of paying a ing been secured by the treaty of Vienna, we, as parties to that treaty, ought to, at least, protest-as the noble Lord said he had done-although of that protest Parliament was as yet ignorant against its violation.

Member of that House for special services. If they refused to allow Judges to sit in that House, why allow any hon. Member to receive pay for one duty while he ought to be attending to another? The hon. Member for Windsor, the present SecreSir Stratford Canning inquired whether tary 'for the Treasury, when Member for he was to infer from the silence of the Cricklade, used to declare that it was esnoble Lord that he had received the ad-sential that the vote for civil contingencies dress and memorial said to have been sent by the inhabitants of Cracow to the Government of this country and that of

France?

Viscount Palmerston had received the paper to which the right hon. Gentleman referred.

should be submitted to a select committee, he hoped that the hon. Member was of that opinion at present, and would support him in the suggestion which he was about make. He should propose a reduction in the amount of the vote equivalent to the salary paid to Dr. Bowring. At the same time, he was anxious for some explanation

The subject dropped. Question again put for the House to go from the noble Lord the Secretary for Fo into a Committee of Supply.

DR. BOWRING.] Colonel Sibthorp rose, pursuant to notice, to call the attention of the House to the sums paid to Dr. Bowring. He begged in the outset to say, that his motion was not directed against that gentleman personally-he had no complaint to make against him-he was a man of great talent, and one who, no doubt,

reign Affairs on this subject, for he, no doubt, would tell them the reason why the report of the learned doctor in Egypt was suppressed, and he also wished to know to what extent the reports of Dr. John Bowring, however they might be drawn up, had been acted on. If ever they were adopted, his objection to the grant of money for getting them up would not be removed; he therefore must demand some explana

He would move, "That the estimate be reduced to the amount of the sum paid, or to be paid, to Dr. Bowring."

Lord John Russell observed that the hon. and gallant Member had stated that he had been recommended by some of his friends to bring forward his motion in the committee of supply rather than in its present form. The result of the hon. Gentleman's speech showed how prudent this advice was, and he trusted that the House would not support the hon. Member, but at once consent to go into the committee, as there were some votes which it was most desirable to take without delay. The hon. Member might then, if he thought proper, submit his motion in a regular form.

House in Committee of Supply.

SUPPLY SUPPLEMENTARY NAVY ESTIMATE.] Mr. More O'Ferrull had to propose a supplementary vote for the Navy Estimates, and as he did not anticipate there would be any objection to his proposition, it was unnecessary for him to take up the time of the committee. The amount which he had to propose was 165,0237. Of this sum 95,4097. was required for the pay, victuals, &c., for 2,000 additional men for ten months, to the 31st of March, 1841, for the service of her Majesty's ships afloat; 48,0147. was required for the increase of pay to naval and marine officers, &c., proposed by the naval and military commission for nine months, to 31st March, 1841; and there was also the sum of 21,6007. required for the accelerated conveyance of the mails to and from England and Alexandria for seven months, to the 31st March, 1841. It had been suggested by the hon. Baronet the Member for Stamford, when the navy estimates were brought forward, that the number of men proposed was not adequate to the number of ships that were afloat; other representations of a similar nature had been made to the Government, and the result of the consideration that had been given to the subject was the proposal of the present increase. The hon. Gentleman concluded with proposing the first resolution, that the sum of 101,7487. be granted to defray the charge of wages for 1,000 additional men for her Majesty's fleet for teu months to the 31st of March, 1841; and also including the increase of pay to naval officers afloat, and to marine officers on shore, for nine months, as proposed by

Captain Pechell was extremely glad, to find that the recommendations of the naval and military commission had been attended to; he regretted, however, that the situation of mates serving in the royal navy had not met with that attention which their merits entitled them to.

Sir G. Clerk did not object to the additional amount proposed to be voted for the naval estimates, as he thought it was called for by the increased number of ships afloat, and by the importance of having them efficiently armed and manned. He could not help observing, however, that the usual form had not been adhered to in submitting this estimate to the House, and he therefore wished to know whether it had previously been submitted to the approval of the Queen in Council. When he was a member of the Board of Admiralty, he knew that it was considered necessary that a member of that body should submit the navy estimates to the House, and that he should be able to enter into any explanations that were requisite.

Lord John Russell observed, that it was better that the estimate should be postponed, as there appeared to be some doubt as to the regularity of the proceeding. He had attended her Majesty in Council that day, and the impression on his mind was, that the application had not formerly been completed.

Vote withdrawn.

SUPPLY-BRITISH MUSEUM.] Sir R. Peel proposed that 29,9531. be granted for the estimate for the British Museum for the year ending on the 31st of March, 1841. There was a very full detail of the mode in which this sum was to be expended in the printed paper on the table, and therefore he did not think it necessary to do more than to move this vote; but he should be glad to give any explanation that any hon. Gentleman might require.

Mr. Hawes did not object to the amount of this vote; on the contrary, it was for the maintenance of so important and useful an institution, that he most readily assented to it. At the same time, he could not help feeling that this great national institution might be improved by forming a board according to the recommendation of a committee of the heads of the several departments, by whom it might be considered what improvements might be made therein. He also thought it objectionable to close

on the ground that too much dust was created by persons walking through it. Again, the public paid, as appeared in the estimates, for the moulds and casts made from the antique marbles in the Museum, and as these were presented to foreign museums, and he saw no reason why casts should not be presented to the schools of design which had been established in various parts of the country. At present these casts could be procured at a cheaper rate from Paris, paying the duty, than they could be obtained in London. He did not see the use of having two sentinels standing at the entrance to the Museum. Mr. Hallam, stated in a note to his Constitutional History of England, that nothing could be more uncongenial to the feelings or more alien to the objects of the institu'tion than to see sentinels stationed at the entrance to the British Museum and to our exhibitions of pictures.

Sir R. Peel declared that it was the object of the trustees to give every accommodation to the public consistentwith the preservation of the books and the property. As to the holidays, the whole of these which the officers enjoyed were six days in January, six days in May, and six days in September, with AshWednesday, Good-Friday, and days of fast and thanksgiving. It had been suggested, by a committee of that House, that the heads of the subordinate departments should meet quarterly to consider the details in those departments, so as to suggest an improvement in them. It was in the British Museum, as in every other public department, that every one was proud of that portion with which he was connected, and most anxious to set it off to the greatest advantage. He thought, then, that the calling of them together for the purpose of making suggestions, would not be the best way of making an arrangement. The trustees received suggestions separately from the heads of the departments, and then decided upon them; while the determination of subordinate officers, if acted upon, would, he feared, only lead to an increase in the building, and a large addition to the public expense. As to the casts, it was his opinion that they should not make many of them; but then on the other hand, he did not think that they ought to expend the public money in making casts. Last year they had asked the Government for 8001. to make models,

being stationed at the British Museum, he must say that he had not seen Mr. Hallam shudder since he had been appointed a trustee. With respect to the King's library, concerning which a committee of the House of Commons had advised that an accurate catalogue should be made, he must say that it was very difficult to proceed with it without interfering with the time that was allowed to the public. He could assure hon. Members that it was the desire of the trustees to adopt every prudent suggestion that was made to them.

Vote agreed to, as was a vote of 22,000l. for the purpose of carrying into effect the recommendation of the commissioners of naval and military inquiry, and votes for the Supplementary Ordnance Estimates.

SUPPLY. DR. BOWRING.] Mr. R. Gordon moved the remaining estimates and civil contingencies. The vote proposed was, that 70,000l. be granted to complete the sum necessary to defray the charge of the civil contingencies.

Colonel Sibthorp moved that the grant be 66,4201., deducting from the amount the sum of 3,579 7s. 10d., being the sum granted to Dr. Bowring for the period of two years, six months, and five days, for services stated to have been performed by him. He wished the noble Lord at the head of the Foreign Department to state-first, what was the amount of practical public advantage derived from Dr. Bowring's services ?-secondly, whether some of that Gentleman's reports had not been sent forth to the public in a shape somewhat different from that in which they were drawn up by the learned Gentleman himself, both as to omissions and additions; thirdly, why the report on Egypt had not been given to the public; and, fourthly, whether there was to be any future charge of this description.

Viscount Palmerston said, that the employment of Dr. Bowring had certainly in no way altered his conduct as a Member of that House; for there had been various occasions during the intervals of his employment in which Dr. Bowring had not voted with the Government. Nor had Dr. Bowring's employment been detrimental to his constituents, for on each occasion the employment had taken place in the recess. The selection of Dr.

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