That they have | and which enable other powers to insult this country with impunity, and to endanger its existence.

friendship with China,
brought about a state of war.
"That they found India tranquil within, at
peace with its neighbours, and defended by a
powerful army. That they have fomented re-
volts and conspiracies, at once by acts of in-
justice, and by the disbanding of troops, while
they have engaged in war in Central and in
Eastern Asia, and rendered the whole po-
pulation of that quarter of the globe, our ene-
mies.

"That this dilapidation of the public affairs has imposed the necessity of increased taxation, the weight of which must fall upon the operatives, and fall the more severely, because of their intention to make this new taxation rest upon the necessaries of life.

"That the sacrifice of commercial rights, and the further diminution of our commerce, "That they found the differences with the must fall on the working classes, throwing United States, in respect to the North Ame-them out of work, and depriving them of rican boundary, adjusted by treaty, that they have broken up that adjustment, and that they have sown the seeds of war between the United States and Great Britain.

"That they have suffered the violation of British rights, and the interruption of British commerce throughout Poland, throughout Germany, along the shores of the Gulf of Mexico, around the whole coast of South America, along the northern and the eastern coasts of Africa, through the kingdom of Persia, and by a voluntary act have interfered to upset the rights of British commerce in Turkey.

"That, under the pretext of settling the affairs of the Peninsula, they have deluged it with blood, and filled it with convulsion.

"That, prolonging the disasters of Spain, they have expended British blood and treasure in an assault on the rights of British commerce, guaranteed in the institutions of that country, which they have assailed.

"That they have paid to Russia the RussioDutch loan, in opposition to the spirit of the original compact, and after existing treaties between Russia and England had been abrogated by her act.

food.

"That the prospect held out by the past presents increase of taxation, loss of commerce, further expenditure of our blood and treasure, and ultimately war with the states whose hostility has been created, and the dismemberment of the colonies whose affections have been lost.

"While, therefore, the present Ministers of her Majesty have come into power on the confidence they have falsely created in the industrial population of this land by professions of reform, by pledges of peace, by hopes of retrenchment, they have introduced new abuses, increased expenditure, involved this land in unjust and injurious wars with small states, and rendered next to inevitable collision with the great powers of Europe and America. That they are, therefore, unworthy of confidence, and that their removal and punishment is necessary to save this country from ruin,"

Lord continued, of a similar description, He had another petition, the noble from the merchants, manufacturers, operatives, and other inhabitants of the town "That they have betrayed to Russia a na-of Newcastle upon Tyne; it differed, tion who had placed its independence in the however, from the other in two particulars hands of Great Britain-Greece; sacrificing for it condemned the course taken by many millions sterling to effect that purpose, Ministers in making an assault upon the and abrogating the rights of the British bondholders in order to transfer the same to Rus kingdom of the Two Sicilies, and thus attacking the weak, while they crouched to the strong; and it complained of the alienation which existed between England and the power whose good-will it was es pecially our interest to preserve, namely, Austria. Having stated to their Lordships the contents of these petitions, he had performed that which his duty prescribed to him, and should not trouble their Lordships any further.

and learned Lord on many topics. However, all that he felt it necessary to say was, that if the noble and learned Lord should at any time think it his duty to bring forward as matter of charge against her Majesty's Ministers any of the allegations contained in the petition from the operatives of Glasgow, they would be ready to meet him and defend themselves against any such accusations.

Lord Lyndhurst said, in explanation that he either must have stated the substance of the petition, or must have read it, to enable their Lordships to understand the grounds of its prayer; and from the complicated nature of the things to which it referred, and from the expressions it used, he thought it much safer to read the petition at length. He did not know to whom the noble Viscount alluded when speaking of the probable author of the petition, but he presumed that the noble Viscount did not mean to suggest that he had had anything to do with it.

The Marquess of Londonderry did not agree in all that the petitioners alleged. He regretted that the noble and learned Lord had not given regular notice of his intention before the close of the Session to bring forward the question of our foreign policy, because he felt strongly that

perfect accuracy both the language and the intentions of her Majesty's Government upon the subject, and he might depend upon it that those intentions would be fully acted up to, and every exertion made, in order to induce Russia to observe the terms of the treaty entered into at Vienna. With respect to the petitions from Glasgow, and from Newcastle-uponTyne, which the noble and learned Lord had rather in an unusual, and according to the strict usage of the House, in a somewhat irregular manner read at length to the House, he did not know whether the noble and learned Lord concurred with the statements contained in those petitions or not. The and learned Lord contented himself with reading them, without stating, whether he agreed with all, or any, and if with any, what part of those statements, or whether he disagreed with them, and what part of them. Perhaps, the noble and learned Lord, finding such petitions placed in his hands, thought it very fair to make them stand in lieu of and serve for that speech he generally made at the end of every Session of Parliament. The first petition certainly was very much like the speeches which the noble and learned Lord usually delivered at the close of their sessional labours. It was just as unmea-if the Session were allowed to terminate sured in language, just as unfounded in assertion, and precisely tending to the same end, namely, to cast obloquy on her Majesty's Ministers, to produce if possible, their dismissal, and to serve as a theme during the whole vacation for speeches at Conservative meetings and Conservative dinners. The noble and learned Lord had said, that the petition was put into his hands early in the Ses-lamented it extremely) that in the course sion, therefore it was quite fair to conclude that he reserved it for this period exactly on that account, and because he conceived it would serve that purpose. But he knew not how much of that petition the noble and learned Lord adopted as expressive of his own opinions, or how much of it he did not adopt. It professed to be the petition of certain operatives of Glasgow, but it was pretty clear that no operative had anything to do with its concoction. It was tolerably clear where the document came from. It was impossible not to know the style, and that if it were not from the noble and learned Lord's own pen, it was from the pen of one en

without some discussion and some understanding as to the course which her Majesty's Ministers were determined to pursue with respect to Spain, and with respect to the new alliance which the British Government had recently formed, the noble Viscount would incur a responsibility heavier than had ever rested upon any Minister. He remembered (and he

of the last year a sort of an itinerant orator went about the country-in the north more particularly-and made harangues at public meetings on our foreign policy, and gave out opinions which were calculated to mislead persons not accustomed to look into such questions. He talked about Russia, and Austria and Prussia, and a great deal more which he would venture to say the speaker himself knew very little about: and there was no doubt that these petitions were got up at that time. With respect to our policy in Spain, what he would ask their Lordships, had been the fruits of the quadruple alliance ever since 1834? That alliance, which

alliance of a very different character? | congratulated her Majesty's Ministers at Certainly a most extraordinary, a most having taken a decided and bold line of desirable, and a most delightful change policy, and if they were determined to seemed to have taken place in the opin- pursue it, humble as his support was, he ions and "foreign sentiments" of her Ma- would readily give it to them. He bejesty's Ministers. Their Lordships had lieved that the noble Lord the Secretary arrived at a most extraordinary era, when for Foreign Affairs was coming round to they found the same Ministry who, al- the Conservative policy, and he heartily most within "six months," concocted and congratulated him upon it. He would framed a quadruple alliance to keep the now state what had been the result of the despots of the north (as they were de first quadruple treaty. It was this; first, signated) in subjection, now entering into that from twenty-five millions to thirty an alliance with those very powers. Their millions of pounds sterling had been obLordships knew that great apprehensions tained from the capitalists of this country were entertained that France would not by loans, of which the lenders, he beact up to the terms of the quadruple alli- lieved, found great difficulty to obtain ance, and that repeated complaints had the interest. Secondly, there had been been made as to the course she was taking, two millions in stores supplied by the not only in Spain, but in the north, in Government; and thirdly, 10,000 lives Egypt, and at Buenos Ayres; that she had been sacrificed. These were the had never given any explanation respect- fruits of the first quadruple alliance. He ing her retaining possession of Algiers. wished to know, now that that treaty was Altogether she had not acted with that at an end, what were the relations of this openness and fairness, and with that inti- country with Spain? Were they disposed mate and cordial friendship towards Eng- to support the queen and her ministers, or land that she was bound by treaty to do. Espartero? There might be a difference The same Ministers were now turning of opinion between those who were parties about and making a treaty, and wisely so, to the new quadruple alliance and those with the very powers against whom the who signed the old quadruple alliance former quadruple treaty was formed, and with respect to the course of policy to be what to do? Why, to keep France in pursued in relation to the affairs of Spain. awe. Could these Powers trust the noble The old quadruple alliance had now Lord the Secretary of State for Foreign ceased. Don Carlos being in France the Affairs, in the same way as they would treaty was at an end; but our ambassaan individual who had not been, as he dors and ministers were there, and what had been, connected with all those for- he wished to know was to whom were they mer transactions with respect to the ori- accredited? Were they accredited to the ginal quadruple treaty? The conduct of queen's government or to Espartero? He the noble Lord the Secretary for Fo- called upon the noble Viscount to state reign Affairs was, to use a vulgar expres- the course he intended to pursue with resion, like what the song described in spect to the civil war that still existed in the words:" Wheel about, turn about, Spain. He could not for his life and soul jump Jim Crow." He did not, how- help thinking that the foreign policy of ever, wish it to be supposed that he her Majesty's Ministers was, like other was the individual who disapproved of things, made an open question. the line her Majesty's Ministers had eulogizing the Emperor of Russia, whom taken with respcet to the new negotiation. the noble Marquess described as the most With every wish to keep on the very best able, the most accomplished, and the terms with France, and with every desire soundest politician in the world, the noble to preserve that state of amity and mutual Marquess concluded by saying that he co-operation that had so long existed, he looked upon the new alliance formed by was not willing that the British Govern- this country as a means of preserving the ment should allow France to cajole us, or peace of Europe. He never could believe that they should suffer it to be supposed that France failing, as she had done, in that England was afraid of France, or her engagements, would be mad enough that she was not determined to do her to attempt unnecessarily to embark in a duty because France chose to put off, by war. He gave her Majesty's Ministers negotiation and delay, an important credit for the course they were pursuing.

After

Petitions laid on the

MUNICIPAL CORPORATIONS (IRELAND).] Viscount Duncannon moved the Order of the Day for their Lordships taking into consideration the Commons' amendments to the Lords' amendments of the Municipal Corporations (Ireland) Bill.

would come down and ask for a vote of that alliance.
an additional number of seamen. When table.
he saw France adding eight or ten sail of
the line to her fleet, and looked at the
preparations she was making in every
quarter, he could not but hope that the
noble Viscount would take effective mea-
sures in time to show to France, that
though we were most desirous of preserv-
ing an alliance and an intimacy with
France, yet we never would submit either
to be deluded or kept in ignorance, month
after month, of what were her intentions,
or ever submit to be dictated to in any
shape as to what were the true principles
we ought to pursue for the best interests
of Europe.

Lord Brougham said, the petition presented by my noble and learned Friend embraces so wide a scope, and goes over such an unlimited length of time, and matters of such various kinds, and alludes so much to almost every topic of policy of this country, whether foreign, colonial, or domestic, that I can hardly imagine any observations upon any branch of our policy which would not be strictly regular upon the question that the petition be laid on the table. I do not, however, mean to be tempted by the noble Marquess to follow him over any one part of that wide field to which his observations have been applied. I rise simply to guard myself against any misconstruction or misapprehension of what I stated the other evening, and to which the noble Marquess has referred this night, and which I shall do in one single sentence. Upon facts not before us, upon matters which were unknown to me, and upon which I could only speak hypothetically, of course I could give no opinion; but I meant to state, and if I did not then distinctly state it, I will state it now, that I should most deeply lament (and herein, I think, however we may differ on other matters, even the noble Marquess and I shall be found to be in alliance)-that I should most deeply lament not only anything which tended to shake, still more to interrupt, but anything which even had a tendency to endanger that good understanding between England and France which has happily for so many years prevailed and by prevailing, preserved the peace of the world; and that I should in proportion to that feeling disapprove, and pointedly disapprove, of any alteration in our

Lord Lyndhurst said, that he understood the amendments of the other House were to be merely verbal, but instead of that being the case, they opened up every question which their Lordships had been discussing for the last three months. Whatever other noble Lords might do, he would not discuss these questions over again, but when the amendments were moved would simply state whether he agreed or disagreed with them.

The amendments were then read seriatim. Those which Lord Lyndhurst objected to were negatived without a division; the others were adopted.

The Marquess of Lansdowne said, he had not objected to the course which the noble Lord had adopted, in dealing with these amendments, solely because he wished to bring the question to a determination, and without reference to the course which, under other circumstances, he should have felt himself bound to have followed. He was desirous of taking the present opportunity of stating, without wishing to revive discussion, that he thought the House of Commons had given the strongest proof that it was possible for them to give of their desire to come to some agreement with their Lordships, by abstaining from re-introducing into this bill, and by assenting to the amendment of their Lordships, for withdrawing any provision for the better administration and delivery of the prisons in Dublin. He had reason to know, that nothing but a desire to see the question set at rest could have induced the House of Commons to concur in the withdrawal of that provision. It was partly for a like reason that he now offered no opposition to the proceedings of the noble and learned Lord, and partly because the subject was one which was capable of being re-considered, as indeed it ought to be, in conjunction with the state of prisons, and separately from the objects of the present bill. The subject would be considered in another Session, which he hoped would not terminate

delivery of prisons, for their present state | debt. But even with this advantage, he was such as to call for the interference of asked their Lordships whether they would the Legislature, and the vigorous determi- consent to dispose of their own funds or nation of Government. There was no property in this way. The security was sacrifice which he was not prepared to not very good; the interest was limited to make to carry out this important measure, five per cent.; and the clergy would be which he hoped would work for the hap-without the power of drawing out any piness of Ireland, and for the benefit of the United Kingdom.

amount of principal, however much it might be required. More than this, the stock so proposed to be created would be naturally affected by any resolution which might take place in the province. He, therefore, moved that the clause be struck out.

Agreed to.-Bill passed.

Lord Brougham perfectly agreed with the noble Marquess who had just spoken, that great sacrifices had been made to carry this bill; but in regard to the other measure adverted to by the noble Marquess, namely, that relating to a general delivery of prisons, he hoped that Government would not stop there, but that they would proceed at an early period next Session, not only with that particular measure, but with that other one to which reference had been made some time ago— The House having resumed, the standing he meant the general measure for the pur- orders, Nos. 26 and 155 were dispensed pose of excluding all judicial officers-with, after the Earl of Harrowby had not from their Lordships' House, for there warmly protested against this indecent was no need of that, but from holding a seat in the other House of Parliament.

On the motion of Lord Lyndhurst, a committee was named to draw up reasons for not agreeing to the amendments of the Commons, and a conference requested for the following day.

CANADA-CLERGY RESERVES.] On the motion of Lord Duncannon, the Canada Clergy Reserves Bill was read a third

time.

The Archbishop of Canterbury was sorry to see that a noble Lord (Lord Ellenborough), who had on a former night moved an amendment on this subject, was not in his place; that amendment, which their Lordships had adopted, would bear most heavily on the Church. It was to give a power to the Crown to give its consent to any bill which the colonial legislature might pass, enacting that the proceeds arising from the sale of the clergy reserves should form a separate debt, and should bear a uniform rate of interest. He thought that it would be inconvenient not to make this question final; but their Lordships would observe, that such an amendment would give a power to the colonial Legislature and the Crown, to apply all the money received from the sale of clergy reserves to the use of the province -the interest proposed to be allowed to the clergy for the use of the money was

ECCLESIASTICAL DUTIES AND REVENUES.] The Ecclesiastical Duties and Revenues Bill was committed, and several amendments agreed to.

haste.

The report ordered to be received.

The Bishop of Exeter rose to move a proviso to be added to the 24th clause, to exempt the deanery of Exeter from the general operation of the clause. The ground upon which he made this motion would be gathered from the following facts:-The crown lawyers applied to the Court of Queen's Bench to issue a mandamus to compel the chapter of Exeter to admit the person whom the Crown had chosen to appoint as dean. After a full and careful consideration, the court came to an unanimous decision, which it delivered in the following terms:

"We are of opinion that no court would be justified in originating proceedings, of which the termination desired by the applicant could verdict, as a fact, that which the said court is be obtained only by a jury affirming by their fully persuaded to be false, and no man acquainted with the subject believes to be true.”

Language so strong as that was seldom employed by the Court of Queen's Bench in its decisions. But that was not all. The Crown having insisted that it had the right to recommend the dean to the adoption of the chapter, the court proceeded in its decision, to say :

:

"The deanery of Exeter is a private foundation, of which the Crown is not the patron or founder, and cannot furnish any ground on