Virginia: A. H. Dennett.

Washington. Emil Herman, Emil Hendrickson, E. J. Brown, Alfred Wagenkneicht, Richard Kruger, John Downie, George E. Boomer E. E. Martin.

West Virginia: H. W. Houston.

Wisconsin: Winfield R. Gaylord, Frank J. Weber. E. H. Thomas, E. T. Melms, Victor L. Berger, Carl D. Thompson, Emil Seidel, Frederick Heath, C. Sandburg, W. A. Jacobs.

Wyoming: H. Grosbeck, W. L. O'Neill, J. H. Ryckman.

Monday Session.

Carey, of Massachusetts, was elected chairman, and Guy E. Miller, of Colorado, obtaining the floor on a question of personal privilege, proposed the sending of a telegram to the Western Federation of Miners. Hillquit, of New York, moved that this telegram and all other resolutions coming before the Convention be referred to the Committee on Resolutions. A warm debate ensued, Miller pleading for immediate action on the sending of the telegram, while most of the delegates taking part in the debate urged that the work of the Convention could be done far more satisfactorily by keeping to the regular order of business. The motion to refer the telegram to the Committee on Resolutions was finally carried by a vote of 93 to 92. The remainder of the day's session was taken up with a discussion of the report of the Committee on Rules, the election of the Platform Committee and the nomination of delegates to serve on the remaining committees. Tickets for the election of these committees were ordered printed to be placed in the hands of the delegates on the following day.

Tuesday Session.

The chairman for Tuesday was J. W. Slayton, The greater portion of the day's proceedings were taken up with the contest from the State of Washington, the result of which has already been given. The most important action of Tuesday was the election of the standing committees with the exception of the Platform Committee elected Monday. The membership of these committees was as follows:

Platform: A. M. Simons, Illinois; Morris Hillquit, New York; James F. Carey, Massachussetts; Ernest Untermann, Idaho; Stanley J. Clark, Texas; Victor L. Berger, Wisconsin; John M. Work, Iowa; Guy E. Miller, Colorado; O. F. Branstetter, Oklahoma.

Resolutions: John Spargo, New York; J. C. Rhodes, Texas; M. Kaplan, Minnesota; Gustav Hoehn, Missouri; Benjamin Wilson, Kansas; Charles H. Kerr, Illinois; Edward

Moore, Pennsylvania; H. A. Kearns, New Jersey; Alfred Wagenknecht, Washington; Elizabeth H. Thomas, Wisconsin.

Constitution: Winfield R. Gaylord, Wisconsin; Caleb Lips. comb, Missouri; J. E. Snyder, Kansas; Barnard Berlyn, Illinois; A. E. Fenton, Massachusetts; H. L. Slobodin, New York; Fred Krafft, New Jersey; W. J. Bell, Texas; R. Bauer, California.

Committee on Women and their Relationship to the Socialist Party: Gertrude B. Hunt, Illinois; Josephine R. Cole, California; Mila Tupper Maynard, Colorado; Antoinette Konikow, Massachusetts; Marguerite Prevey, Ohio; Solomon Fieldman, New York; Grace D. Brewer, Kansas; Laura B. Payne, Texas; Winnie Branstetter, Oklahoma.

Committee on Press: W. A. Jacobs, Wisconsin; Ellis O. Jones, Ohio; Ida Crouch-Hazlett, Montana; May Wood Simons, Illinois; J. W. Slayton, Pennsylvania.

Auditing: Mark Preiser, New York; W. L. Garver, Missouri; George E. Boomer, Washington; W. W. Buchanan, Texas; Daniel Kissam Young, Pennsylvania.

Ways and Means: Charles Sandburg, Wisconsin; G. W. Davis, Oklahoma; Fred L. Schwartz, Pennsylvania; M. A. Smith, Texas; Stephen M. Reynolds, Indiana; E. W. Perrin, Arkansas; Wm. H. Brandt, Missouri; T. L. Buie, Colorado; Julius Gerber, New York; Harriet D'Orsay, Massachusetts.

Farmers' Program: Carl D. Thompson, Wisconsin; C. W. Barzee, Oregon; J. G. Wills, Oklahoma; Seymour Stedman, Illinois; E. L. Rigg, Idaho; E. J. Rohrer, Iowa.

Relation to Foreign Speaking Organizations: Louis Goaziou, Pennsylvania; U. Solomon, New York; Thomas Hittunen, Michigan; Ester Nieminen, Minnesota; Samuel A. Knopfnagel, Illinois.

Labor Organizations: F. J. Weber, Wisconsin; Algernon Lee, New York; Robert Bandlow, Ohio; Grant Miller, Nevada; G. A. Hoehn, Missouri; Thomas J. Morgan, Illinois; S. M. Reynolds, Indiana; James G. Graham, Montana.

Government by Commission: Isaac Cowan, Ohio; John Hagel, Oklahoma; H. Tuttle, Wisconsin; George H. Strobel, New Jersey; George H. Ambrose, Montana; W. C. Hills, Iowa; J. O. Bentall, Illinois.

Wednesday Session.

Seymour Stedman, of Illinois, was elected chairman. The day was devoted mainly to the report of the Committee on Resolutions. John Spargo, the chairman of the committee, offered a partial report which was acted on seriatim as read. The first recommendation of the Convention was that the

telegram offered by Guy E. Miller at the Monday session be sent to the Western Federation of Miners.

The Convention thereupon decided to send the telegram, the full text of which is as follows:

"Ernest Mills, Secretary, Western Federation of Miners, 605 Railroad Bldg., Denver, Colo.

The Socialist Party in convention assembled sends greetings to the Western Federation of Miners. We congratulate you upon the splendid battle and final vindication of your organization. We condemn with you the use of federal troops to destroy a labor organization as in Alaska. We are with you until Adams and the last of the victims of the Pinkertons are out from the prison pens of poverty into the sunlight of economic freedom."

The Convention next recommended the adoption of the following resolution on

The Alcohol Question.

"We recognize the evils that arise from the manufacture and sale of alcoholic and adulterated liquors and we declare that any excessive use of such liquors by the working class postpones the day of the final triumph of our cause. But we hold that these evils can not be cured by an extension of the police power of the capitalist state. Alcoholism is a disease and can best be remedied by doing away with the underfeeding, over-work and over-worry which result from the capitalist system." This resolution was received with loud applause and adopted unanimously.

A Letter to President Roosevelt.

At a previous session, Delegate Hoehn, of Missouri, had obtained the floor on a question of privilege and had proposed that the Convention send to President Roosevelt an open letter which he began reading to the Convention. He had been ruled out of order and the proposed letter had been referred to the Committee on Resolutions. It now came up for action. Delegate Spargo in his talk criticised the letter severely and stated that if it were sent to the President, it would make the Convention a laughing stock. He therefore recommended on behalf of the committee that the letter be laid on the table without reading. Delegate Hoehn protested against this action and insisted that the letter be read. This was done and a hot debate followed. Arthur M. Lewis, of Illinois, made some criticisms on the language of the letter,

which were resented by Delegate Hoehn and also by Delegates Cowan, of Ohio, Laura Payne, of Texas, and Benjamin Hanford, of New York. These delegates spoke in a way to imply that a certain antagonism was developing between the "intellectuals" and the "proletarians" of the Convention. A motion was made to refer the letter to a special committee of three to be edited with a view to sending it to President Roosevelt. Delegate Spargo closed the debate in a five minute speech in which he made it clear that his objection to the letter was based not on its literary style but on the confused ideas of the letter which in more than one passage carried the implication that Roosevelt was on the side of the working class but was thwarted in his good intentions by Congress and the trusts. The motion to send the letter to a committee was lost by a vote of 80 to 101 and the motion to send the letter to the President was lost by a decided majority, no division being taken.

Thursday Session.

Stanley J. Clark, of Texas, was elected chairman, and the first order of business was the report of the Committee on Organized Labor. The committee recommended the adoption of the following address:

Socialism and Organized Labor.

"The movement of organized labor is a natural result of the antagonism between the interests of employers and wage-earners under the capitalist system. Its activity in the daily struggle over wages, hours and other conditions of labor is absolutely necessary to counteract the evil effects of competition among the working people and to save them from being reduced to material and moral degradation. It is equally valuable as a force for the social, economic and political education of the workers.

to organized "The Socialist party does not seek to dictate labor in matters of internal organization and union policy. It recognizes the necessary autonomy of the union movement on the economic field, as it insists on maintaining its own autonomy on the political field. It is confident that in the school of experience organized labor will as rapidly as possible develop the most effective forms of organization and methods of action.

"In the history of the recent Moyer-Haywood protest, participated in by unions of all sorts and by the Socialist party, it finds reason to hope for closer solidarity on the economic field and for more effective co-operation between organized labor and the Socialist party, the two wings of the movement for working-class emanci pation.

"The Socialist party stands with organized labor in all its struggles to resist capitalist aggression or to wrest from the capiIt declares talists any improvement in the conditions of labor. that it is the duty of every wage-worker to be an active and loyal member of the organized labor movement, striving to win its battles and to strengthen and perfect it for the greater struggles to come.

"Organized labor is to-day confronted as a class by a great crisis. The capitalists intoxicated with wealth and power and alarmed by the increasing political and economic activity of the working class have undertaken a crusade for the destruction of the labor organizations. In Colorado, Nevada, Alaska, and elsewhere, law and conviolent methods have not seemed advisable, other means have been stitution have been trampled under foot, military despotism set up, and judicial murder attempted with this aim in view. Where such violent methods have not seemed advisable, other mans have been used to the same end.

"The movement for the so-called open shop but thinly veils an attempt to close the shops against organized workingmen; it is backed by powerful capitalist organizations, with millions of dollars in their war funds.

"The courts, always hostile to labor, have of late outdone all previous records in perverting the laws to the service of the capitalist class. They have issued injunctions forbidding the calling of strikes, the announcement of boycotts, payment of union benefits, or even any attempt to organize unorganized workingmen in certain trades and places. They have issued arbitrary decrees dissolving unions under the pretense of their being labor trusts.

"They have sustained the capitalists in bringing damage suits against unions for the purpose of tying up or sequestrating their funds. They have wiped off the statute books many labor lawslaws protecting little children from exploitation in the factory, laws making employers liable for damages in case of employes killed or injured at their work, laws guaranteeing the right of workingmen to belong to unions.

The

"While affirming the right of employers to bar organized workingmen from employment, they have declared it unlawful for workingmen to agree not to patronize non-union establishments. only consistent rule observed by the courts in dealing with the labor question is the rule that captalists have a sacred right to profits and that the working class has no rights in opposition to business interests.

"In the Danbury hatters' case the United States Supreme court has rendered a decision worthy to stand with its infamous 'Dred Scott decision' of fifty years ago. It has stretched and distorted the Anti-Trust law to make it cover labor organizations, and has held that the peaceful method of the boycott is unlawful, that boycotted employers may recover damages to the amount of three times their loss, and that the property of individual members, as well as the union treasuries, may be levied upon to collect such damages.

"By this decision the Supreme court has clearly shown itself to be an organ of class injustice, not of social justice. If this and other hostile decisions are not speedily reversed, organized labor will find itself completely paralyzed in its efforts toward a peaceful solution of the labor question. The success of the capitalists and their courts in this assault upon the labor movement would be a disaster to civilization and humanity. It can and must be defeated.

"At this critical moment the Socialist party calls upon all organized workingmen to remember that they still have the ballot in their hands and to realize that the intelligent use of political power is absolutely necessary to save their organizations from destruction. The unjust decisions of the Supreme court can be reversed, the arbitrary use of the military can be stopped, the wiping out of labor laws can be prevented by the united action of the workingmen on election day.