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notable fiasco of its Polish expropriation policy. It has expended nearly a hundred million dollars and accomplished little except to enrich German landholders. Nevertheless both houses of the Landtag-under Von Buelow's whip-have recently voted the appropriation of an additional fifty million for the further carrying out of this policy. Nothing could give better proof of the need of electoral reform.

Austria. The Social Democratic Party of Bohemia has lately taken a decided stand in the matter of the German-Czechish race war. Bourgeois papers have represented its pronunciamento as patriotic, i. e. anti-international. In reality it is nothing of the sort. Its chief conteni tion is that a secret popular ballot would do away with a good part of the existing difficulty. It demands, further, the institution of two autonomous governments, one for each race. Opinions differ as to the wisdom of this demand.

Russia. Russian labor unions carry on their work under the By misinterpreting a law promulgated in 1905 the greatest difficulties. Stolypin ministry finds means to prevent the delivery of lectures to workingmen and the distribution of relief to strikers or unemployed. In spite of restrictions, however, the unions are carrying on a thoroughIn Petersburg and other going work of organization and education. industrial centers they have started numerous societies for the study of history and economics. Some of these count as many as five or six hundred members. An important part of the union propaganda is directed The government, toward the moral improvement of the laborers. especially through its sale of poisonous vodka, has done its best to deAgainst this demoralization the unions are moralize the proletariat.

using their utmost influence.

Italy. Near the close of February the Italian chamber voted down a resolution in favor of complete secularization of public education. In the support of this resolution Socialists and Radical Republicans were united. The fight was a bitter one-in fact so bitter that it is Impossible to suppose that it will not be renewed.

Denmark.-Danish Socialists are facing a problem much like that of their comrades in Prussia. In Denmark there is in force a two-class electoral system. That is, the members of the two houses of parliament are named indirectly: the electors who make the final choice are chosen, half by the voters paying tax on a thousand dollars or more, half by those In both these classes the ballot is the prerogative who are less wealthy. of all male citizens over thirty years of age. Not willing to trust its fate The Socialist group even in the hands of the propertied class, the government retains the right to designate twelve members of the upper house. has introduced into parliament an extremely modest measure It provides for universal toward the modification of this system. suffrage for men and women over twenty-one years of age. It has been thought best not to attack the two-class system at this time.

looking

LITERATURE

ART

BY

JOHN

SPARGO

Jack London has joined the ranks of the prophets. It seems that few Socialist writers can resist the temptation to speculate upon the nature of the Socialist State and the manner of its realization. London makes his contribution to this branch of the literature of Socialism in his new book, The Iron Heel, published by the Macmillan Company. He resorts to the familiar device of the novelist, writing his forecast in the form of a retrospect.

He takes a long leap forward of some seven centuries in order to tell the manner of the transformation of society from capitalism to Socialism. One Anthony Meredith, writing from Ardis in the year 419 of the Brotherhood of Man, edits and publishes the manuscript story, discovered in the hollow of an oak tree, of the first of a series of revolts which overthrew the capitalist system, though at a terrible cost. The story was written by Avis Everhard, wife of the central figure of the first revolt, leader of the forces of the working class. Ernest Everhard, the hero of his wife's thrilling story, is a Socialist of the most composite type. There is a good deal of Jack London's vigorous personality about him, as well as something which the active Socialist Party member of a few years' standing will recognize as being characteristic of several other well known comrades. He writes a book, called "Working Class Philosophy", for example, which for three hundred years continued to be popular. Some quotations from the book are given, explaining the class struggle theory, and lo! I find that they are taken from my own book, "Socialism: a Summary and Interpretation of Socialist Principles". In a word, Everhard represents the Socialist movement rather than any phase of it.

"The Iron Heel" is the name which was given to the Oligarchy which developed about the year 1910. The Oligarchy reminds one of the Fourieristic prediction of a coming feudalism, which Ghent revived in his "Benevolent Feudalism". The Oligarchy was, however, the opposite of benevolent. In 1912 there was a landslide toward Socialism, fifty Congressmen being elected. But they found themselves without power. Then the Oligarchy forced a war with Germany which the Socialists of both countries frustrated by a general strike. Then the Oligarchy succeeded in dividing the ranks of the workers by confering special advantages upon a few select unions, entering into compacts with the union leaders.

From this point on the story is one of terrible bloodshed. There is the "Chicago Commune" (why the word "Commune" is used in connection with the uprising does not appear!) of 1918, in which carnage far excels that of the Paris Commune of 1871. Tens of thousands of people are slaughtered, the workers' first great revolt is crushed, drowned

in blood. The Oligarchy follows its ghastly triumph with countless executions. This reign of terror continues until 1832, when they capture and kill Everhard. This takes place on the eve of the second revolt which he had planned-a revolt which took place and was crushed just as was the first. Here the story contained in the manuscript ends, but we learn from the editor that there were several other revolts of the workers, crushed in like fashion, and that the Oligarchy managed to maintain its power for three centuries-three hundred bloody years!

It is impossible to deny the literary skill which London displays in this ingenious and stirring romance. He has written nothing more powerful than this book. In some senses it is an unfortunate book, and I am by no means disposed to join those of our comrades who hail it as a great addition to the literature of Socialist propaganda. The picture he gives is well calculated, it seems to me, to repel many whose addition to our forces is sorely needed; it gives a new impetus to the old and generally discarded cataclysmic theory; it tends to weaken the political Socialist movement by discrediting the ballot and to encourage the chimerical and reactionary notion of physical force, so alluring to a certain type of mind. As a statement of the cataclysmic theory and an argument against political action, it is worthy the careful study of every Socialist and every student of Socialism.

*

I have read with much satisfaction the little book, Evolution, Social and Organic, which Arthur Morrow Lewis has added to the Standard Socialist Series, published by Charles H. Kerr & Company. In this modest little volume of less than two hundred pages, in simple and lucid language, Comrade Lewis tells the story of the evolution of the theory of evolution, summarising most of the information contained in Clodd's well known book, “Evolution from Thales to Huxley". But he does more than this, a great deal more. He never loses sight of the application of the laws of evolution to society, completing his Darwinism by his Marxism, so to speak. Valuable, too, are the chapters on Weismann's theory of heredity, the "mutation" theory of De Vries and Herbert Spencer's Individualism, though, curiously enough in a Socialist treatment of the last named topic, no mention is made of the fact that Spencer himself repudiated Individualism and thought that if we had too much government in some directions, we had too little in others. Curious, too, that he should miss the point made in volume III of the "Principles of Sociology" that the wage system, commonly held up as exemplifying Individualism, is a form of slavery, the wage-laborer having "liberty only to exchange one slavery for another". Spencer himself threw over the whole superstructure of Individualism when he admitted that "in conformity with the universal law of rhythm, there has been a change from excess of restriction to deficiency of restriction". I cannot resist the feeling that had the writer been a little more familiar with Spencer chapters VIII and IX of his book would have been much stronger. I hasten to add, however, that the little volume is a valuable addition to our literature.

* * *

When H. G. Wells was in this country a year or two ago I had the pleasure of meeting him upon several occasions.. Nothing about the man impressed me so much as the robustness of his Socialist faith. I had long known him as a Fabian and was most agreeably surprised to learn that he had joined the out-and-out Social Democratic Federation.

As further evidence of this robustness of Socialist faith comes his new book. New Worlds for Old, a fresh and striking presentation of the case for Socialism. As might be expected from the author of "a Modern Utopia" and "Mankind in the Making", there is a utopian strain running

through the book. It is, also, written from a British point of view, a good many allusions to contemporary English life rather weakening its interest for the American. Both these defects-if so they are to be regarded—are, however, the defects of its qualities. The great value of the book lies primarily in the novelty of its approach to the subject and its statement in terms of contemporary fact rather than in terms of abstract theory. The book is published by the Macmillan Company and should be read by all Socialists.

* * *

Benjamin Tucker, the Anarchist publisher, has issued in an admirably gotten-up volume Steven T. Byington's translation of Dr. Paul Eltzbacher's well known book, Anarchism. It is not too much to say, I think, that of all expositions of Anarchism this is by far the best for the average student. Eltzbacher is not himself an Anarchist, but he has succeeded in making a statement of the varied principles designated as Anarchism which most Anarchists accept. The opinions of Eltzbacher himself are of relatively small importance. What is important is the careful summary made, in their own language, of the principles taught by such writers as Godwin, Stirner, Proudhon, Bakunin, Kropotkin, Tucker and Tolstoy. Admirable portraits of all these-except Stirner, of whom no authentic portrait exists-are included in this very handsome volume.

* * *

In view of the present revival of interest in the writings of Nietzsche, "the mad philosopher" of Germany, the publication, by Charles H. Kerr & Company, as one of the Library of Science for the Workers series, of an admirable translation, by Alexander Harvey, of Nietzsche's little book, Human, All Too Human, is a welcome event.

I have read a good deal of Nietzsche's writings and it has always been a puzzle for me what professed radical thinkers could find in his endless negations. From a Socialist point of view, it seems to me, Professor Alfred Russell Wallace gave a crushing reply to the Nietzschean pretensions about the development of the Superman, when he pointed out in "The Eagle and Serpent", some years ago, that the inevitable result must be the development of an Oligarchy, to which philosophers, poets, scientists, inventors and artists would be subservient. "Human, All too Human" is, in my judgment, the clearest and most coherent of all Nietzsche's works. While Nietzsche was not a Socialist, being in fact bitterly hostile to Socialism, the Marxist will find that there is much in common between Marx and Nietzsche. Just as Marx shows the influence of economic conditions upon social evolution, and upon the ethical concepts of classes, Nietzsche shows the influence of economic conditions upon individual ethical concepts. The little book might be fairly described as an application of the extreme theory of economic determinism to personal conduct. Judge not any man's life too harshly -for he is human, all too human!

It is rather a pity that the translator of the volume did not include Peter Gast's preface to the German edition in which he contrasts the ideas of Nietzsche with those of his longtime friend, Paul Ree, bringing out the distinctive features of Nietzsche's teaching very clearly. Gast was Nietzsche's friend and literary executor and he has been a most faithful exponent of his master's teaching. He shows the utilitarian concept, what Nietzsche calls community-preservative ethics, as one half of ethics only, the other half, of course, being what he calls self-ethics. In view of the foregoing. it is not necessary to remark that "Human, All too Human", is not published as a Socialist work, nor must it be so regarded. It is not a child's primer, either, and whoever fears to exercise his brain over a book, or resents an attack upon his intellectual idols, had better leave it alone. To all others the volume may be confidently recommended.

WORLD

OF

LABOR

BY MAX S. HAYES

Despite the petitions that have been sent to the executive council of the American Federation of Labor by city central organizations in various parts of the country urging that a national convention be called for the purpose of planning a political campaign as labr's reply to the recent decisions of the United States Supreme Court declaring the employer's liability law unconstitutional, legalizing the blackiest and outlawing the boycott, it is practically certain that nothing will be done by the national officials-that is, nothing along the line of independent political action.

During the past month a conference of officers of international unions was called by the Federation executive council to meet in Washington and discuss the crisis in which organized labor finds itself. Several hundred of our worthy presidents, secretaries, etc., did gather, but if any practical move was made that would throw the fear of God Into the hearts of plutocracy and its politicians it escaped the notice of the lynxeyed reporters. All that they did was to go through the same old mumery of the last year, when they, armed with a so-called "bill of grievances," solemnly marched up to Cannon, Fairbanks & Co. and in the name of organized labor demanded relief from injunctions, etc. This year they appointed a "committee on protest," and, after looking the field over, the committee concluded that there was really cause to protest, and so with Gompers in the van the whole crowd marched up to the Capitol with becoming dignity (it is not related whether a brass band accompanied the procession or how many times they had their pictures taken) and once more told their troubles to Cannon, Fairbanks & Co. The politicians looked wise and declared that the protest would receive their most thoughtful consideration, and then, after some handshaking, the delegation departed while Cannon, Fairbanks & Co. retired to their private offices, consumed a few cocktails, admitted that the labor men were a nice, conservative lot of fellows, and then fell to discussing ship subsidy. new banking and financial laws, tariff revision, and so forth.

It looks as though the revolutionary spirit (or the spirit of secession) has been grounded on the Civic Federation wire. President Seth Low, and Vice-President Gompers, of the latte body, and Roosevelt have had their heads together, and an agreement is said to have been reached to use labor as the sad victim to secure the repeal of the Sherman law or to amend that act to make it useless. But there is no assurance given that labor organizations will be made immune from damage suits for boycotting. The injunction evil is also to be so modified as to permit strikers to come into court when capitalists seek a temporary restraining order and hear the edict promulgated by the court after the defendants' attorney goes through the form of opposing the bosses' petition.

Those workingmen in New York, Chicago, Boston, Cleveland, Detroit, Toledo and other places who have been shouting for independent