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lovingly parading up and down the little room where they lived with his tall, handsome wife and comrade, his arm around her waist!

To his children Marx was not less gentle and affectionate. What an adorable picture it is that Liebknecht gives us of the Marx family excursions to Hampstead Heath, with the profound philosopher boisterously enjoying donkey rides with the little ones! And what an adorable memory of the man his daughter, Madame Lafargue, holds! In a recent letter she writes me:

"Karl Marx was the kindest, the best of fathers; there was nothing of the disciplinarian in him, nothing authoritative in his manner. He had the rich and generous nature, the warm and sunny disposition that the young appreciate: he was vehement, but I have never known him to be morose or sullen, and steeped in work and worry as he might be, he was always full of pleasantry with us children, always ready to amuse and be amused by us. He was our comrade and play fellow".

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These little glimpses of the intimate life of our immortal comrade show us the man as he was: the great lover and tender parent. As we celebrate upon this anniversary his magnificent genius as a philosopher and political economist, let us not fail to remember also his magnificent humanity. Truly,

The elements

So mixed in him that Nature might stand up,
And say to all the world, "This was a Man!"


Roosevelt's Place in History.

HE ROOSEVELT Administration is about ready for the final analysis. As a political factor it has made its final mark on history's page and closed the book. Many tried to speak the last word with reference to the President while he was in the midst of strife; while his policies and politics were undeveloped or developing. And hence their views were incomplete, subject to change and revision. Those who wrote of him in passion, either for for or against, helped make history, but did not write it. The time has just arrived when the historian can calmly and fully review his career. If a historical writer does not now take full advantage of the opportunity, it is because he lacks the scientific method. There is no danger that the estimate now made in such manner will hereafter need much revision. For just as we deal with Grover Cleveland, though still alive, with all the accurate impartiality we might devote to some dead personage like Harrison or Mc Kinley; so can we treat Roosevelt both fairly and completely, now that he is not likely to add anything to his character by actions of import hereafter. He has withdrawn at last from all candidacy for the third term. His former withdrawals were all treated in the Pickwickian sense by his rivals; but to this last one they give full credit. And so, in faith, must we. For in reality the hard times killed whatever vitality his boom had.


The hard times that bowed Benj. Harrison out and ushered Grover Cleveland in, did not especially change the character of these men. The change of circumstances may have thrown some light on them among contemporaries, - opening the eyes of the blind, as it were. A similar change in the times will not greatly affect the views of future historians on Theodore Roosevelt, though it modifies the expression of those who have already spoken. And while another question looms large at the close of his administration - our relations with Japan yet as the Spanish war showed so well the temper of our subject, we are not in need of another crisis, no matter how great and critical it may be to confirm the well established fact, that, to speak in his own vein, he is a believer in "carrying a big stick." So we now enter into the dissection of his character and administration with all the confidence in the world in the timeliness of the matter and full faith in

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the finality of the research, based, as any scientific study should be, on the relations of facts to each other.



History will place Roosevelt as a shrewd politician, who recognized and used two methods by which to gain office, viz: posing and advertising. He early learned the value of both. He posed as a reformer when he first entered the arena as an assemblyman in the legislature of New York. But he took his breakfasts with Platt! He daily associated with the great Boss. His succeeding moves in donning picturesque clothes were successful attempts to continue this posing before the people. He sought the spot light, and he always gained the center of the stage; as cowboy, hunter, warrior, peace-maker or preacher. He proved a master hand at the theatrical business. He combined in himself the requisites of press agent and star.

Dunn, the official photographer of the National Committee, tells how particular he was as to dress on the rounds of his campaigns. At one town, he appeared in a silk hat, at another in a slouch; at one stop, he wore baggy trousers, at the next one he put on pants that were carefully creased and pressed; he did it all on careful telegraphic information giving the important news as to how the next reception committee would appear. And he was careful to have the pictures. printed as large as possible in the local press.

His executive policy showed a similar tendency of conciliation of those who managed the machine, and barn storming for himself. He was first a free trader, then a protectionist. He was the man of peace and then of war. He was against the Croton ring and then for it! He denounced the trusts, then accepted their campaign contributions. He never tarried. long at one spot, but kept moving on from place to place, principle to principle, thus razzle-dazzling the public; dancing from position to position and posing as a mighty force in each new place; but always shaping his sails to whatever wind might blow.

His first national prominence dated from the time he was Police Commissioner in New York City. Here he showed his genius for the use of publicity to promote his own fortunes. He rewarded acts of bravery of the humble policemen, not so much because of the act of the servant as for the opportunity of advertising the master.

Next he set the wheels in motion and landed, through the efforts of relative and friends, (some of whom he afterwards repudiated), in the War Office as Assistant Secretary. Immediately he began to prepare for the conflict. He put a few brass nails upon his big stick.

They tell a story of Hearst, that he ordered his reporters to furnish the news, "I shall furnish the war." The story

is denied but it well illustrates the character of one who loves the head of the procession. While Hearst was encouraging war, through his press, Roosevelt was preparing for it in the navy yards. Hearst was a typical Jingo at this time, Roosevelt a grim Machiavelli. After the country had been worked up to the proper pitch, war became inevitable. McKinley reluctantly declared it. Roosevelt soon resigned from the navy and went out onto the fields of Texas to head a mob of picturesque cowboys. He donned a new and strange uniform. Then he had his picture taken; this time appearing as the Man on Horseback. During the war he ran the press bureau effectively. He managed to keep in the public eye. He was proclaimed the hero of San Juan and of the battle of the Decayed Beef Can.

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After tiring of the army he resumed his regular occupation of politics and ran for governor of New York. The value of advertising made itself felt and he was elected. Then he stepped in the way of the bosses and they got rid of him by his removal to the humble seat of Vice-President. Then a half crazed assassin came along and put Roosevelt where he wanted to be sooner than he had expected.

He was praised for the tact he showed under those circumstances. Hearst was greatly blamed for his want of it. The country turned towards the man of tact and against the man of gall. Also it appeared that a newspaper hero is more popular than a newspaper devil.

The political genius of Roosevelt now showed itself in full play. The power to plan and perfect an organization and to build a machine was quickly shown and felt. He soon dominated his party and through it, the country. He succeeded in getting a re-nomination and an election.

Now he became President of the United States of Amer ica by virtue of his own right. He was at last in position to develop a policy. He was in office for four years and perhaps for eight. Up to this time he had shown himself ready enough to dominate any minor set of circumstances. Now he failed under the crucial test. He had no policy to offer. Then a voice whispered into his ear, that as two terms had come easy, he better try and make it three. So he began secretly to plot for the third term.

I take it that any President has the ambition to be great enough for this big country of America. Roosevelt wanted to be the man of one party. And he became so for quite a while. He tried to show that the political genius of the Americans was superior to their business genius. And it looked at first

as though he would be able to prove that too. But he soon faltered; he wavered and turned back and then finally fled in utter rout. He saw himself forced to the feet of big business. He had to turn to the trusts for his policy and his helpers. And when the trusts broke down, when the panic and the slump came, he was left friendless. From being regarded as a God, he was quickly discovered to be made of common clay. From being an object of secret terror to the muck-rakers, he now became their convenient target.

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What had angered the machine politicians and some of the men of big business was, that they realized Roosevelt had no genuine love for them. And so, while they did not manufacture the panic to down him, as certain narrow sighted ones claim, yet they did take advantage of the opportunity to blame him for it, and thus they wiped out his third term aspirations.

It is a well known rule of politics that when a president is held responsible for hard times, he might as well retire then and there; it'll do him no good to hang on. After every panic of importance, there has been a change of party except in '76; and then there was a change, only it wasn't allowed to count.

This leads to the question, what is the definition of "statesman?" A statesman is one who lives for the state; uses all his energies to make it greater and more powerful; makes it a place where it is more blessed in which to live; one who has the policy of making the whole people greater than any part of them. Washington, Jefferson, Jackson and Lincoln fit this definition. They are the great American statesmen so far. And Roosevelt might have risen to their heights, had he kept his will fixed on this ambition alone.

To make the point entirely clear, we will put it this way: The tendency of late times, is towards consolidation of business, forming trusts, etc. This is the economic law and is in the line of evolution. It can't be stopped but it might be used. Roosevelt's policy should have been to see that the government's business progressed just as rapidly as the business of the trusts did. He should have paid more attention to Uncle Sam's large concerns the post-office, the canals, the forest and mineral reservations, the extension of postal banks, of parcel-post delivery. He might have felt the necessity to take over the mail trains into government ownership;

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