will be a time of trial for the Socialist movement of the United States. If the Socialist Party can put aside the cheap jealousies, the contemptible struggles for leadership, the exaggerated demagoguism which has led to the elevation of those whose prattle of proletarián phrases are most glib, if it can make the Socialist movement a part of the whole great battle of the working-class, then it will have shown itself equal to the historical mission that it was created to fulfil.

There are some things that should impel us to a rigid self-criticism to determine if the Socialist Party is really equal to the task before us. That there is something weak about the Party we have worked so hard to build up can hardly be disputed. So long as the Party kept up with the Socialist thought and sentiment that the evolution of capitalism and active Socialist propaganda created it was responding to the tasks before it.

To-day there is more than ten times the interest in and knowledge of Socialism than existed four years ago. The fundamental doctrines of Socialism have permeated into every nook and corner of working-class psychology, to a large extent unconsciously to be sure, but none the less certainly. Socialism is the dominant theme in literature, in popular discussions of all kinds and descriptions. Yet the Socialist Party occupies but a little larger space in the political world than it occupied at the last election.

We shall not attempt to analyze the reasons for this beyond offering a few suggestions. It is possible that the mere pointing out of the fact may be sufficient to arouse that interest and activity which will remove the defects.

Is it any

Perhaps some things may be suggested however. We have come to look upon organization as an end in itself. We form Locals and Branches for the sake of holding Local and Branch meetings, for the sake of extending organization, for the sake of holding more meetings, and so on in an endless dreary chain. wonder that in some of the larger cities more new members have been taken in each year for several years than have ever been in good standing upon the books of the Party, and that the larger portion of the new converts come to but one meeting and then go away disgusted, or discouraged. If the new member hears nothing discussed beyond routine business save a general wrangle and denunciation of such of the Socialists as have sought to accomplish anything, if he finds that the taking up of any active work for Socialism without first consulting a small coterie is to open the vials of denunciation upon the head of the one who displays such pernicious activity, he is apt to register a vow never again to enter a Socialist organization.

If, on the other hand, the new member finds comradeship, cooperation, and energetic association for Socialist work, then he becomes an active member from the start. He came into the Socialist

Party because he wishes to work for Socialism, and if that wish is gratified he will remain and grow more effective every day. If it is not gratified we have no right to expect to keep him.

Making New Year's resolutions is rather foolish work, but if the Socialist Party really expects to play any part in the coming campaign beyond that of a fault-finding agitational society it must turn over new leaves on several points and the quicker that fact is recognized the quicker it will be possible to get in action, and the more effective that action will be.

There were never such an opportunity offered to the workers of any country. The industrial conditions are ready for a campaign such as in England changed the whole political face of the country a few years ago. It is possible to put such a body of working-class representatives in Congress as will put the United States in the advance guard of the Socialist army of the world.

EDITORIAL NOTE.

With this number I sever all editorial connection with the International Socialist Review.

A. M. SIMONS.

THE WORLD OF LABOR

BY MAX S. HAYES

The open shop agitation promoted by a certain faction of capitalists is really not an unmixed evil. The agitation among and hostile action of the master class has caused many of the contending parties in the industrial movement to get togeher, discuss their grievances and prepare plans for offensive and defensive alliances. During the past month the chief officials of five international unions in the printing industry held a conference in Indianapolis and came to agreement in the matter of presenting a stonewall front to the common enemy. It will be recalled that up to a few months ago everything was at sixes and sevens in the printing trade, and the compositors were forced to engage in an eight-hour contest singlehanded that cost them upward $4,000,000. Finally the narrow-minded and shortsighted Higgins regime was overthrown in the pressmen's union and that action was the signal for a genuine alliance between the various crafts, which are now working together to clean up the eight-hour strike.

In the metal trades there has been much contention during the past dozen years owing to craft jealousies and trade autonomy disputes. About the middle of next month representatives of the metal trades will assemble in Cincinnati for the purpose of adjusting internal troubles and make arrangements to meet the onslaughts of employers' organizations wherever they may occur.

As was pointed out in last month's Review, the building crafts are coming together in an international alliance subordinate to the A. F. of L. For years there has been more or less friction between those crafts, and in some instances certain unions have gone to the extreme of scabing on each other. This unfortunate situation will be forgotten history in a short time and the building trades will put into practical operation the motto that an injury to one is the concern of all.

These moves on the part of aforementioned organizations are having their effect on other branches of industry, and we hear that the clothing crafts are agitating the question of forming a trade section for the purpose of smoothing out some of the rough spots in their particular lines of endeavor. Even the long-standing controversy between the cigarmakers and stogiemakers may be adjusted and an alliance arranged, which may include the tobacco workers, a third organization in the industry.

A New York report has it that the railway brotherhoods are likely to form a federation. There are such local federations in existence at the present time and quite likely the memberships are desirous of expanding the principle into an international agreement, which has been the dream of the progressive element among the rail

way workers for many years. But it is extremely doubtful whether the engineers will enter such a federation. The old Arthur policy of "no entangling alliances" seems to dominate the B. of L. E. as yet.

It is claimed that representatives of the United Mine Workers and the Western Federation of Miners have already come to an agreement to exchange working cards and protect each others' interests wherever possible, and it is rumored that the W. F. of M. will join the American Federation of Labor in the near future. Certainly such a move would prove eminently satisfactory to all well-wishers of organized labor and demonstrate the wisdom of the miners. It cannot be disputed that the great mass of the A. F. of L. membership has been in entire sympathy with the Western miners throughout their struggles during the last decade, and that sympathy took concrete form in the shape of financial and moral assistance quite generously when most needed. While there may be differences of opinion regarding policies between organizations and individuals, yet those contentions upon matters of detail and theoretical propositions should not be permitted to interfere with our plain duty as organized workers, viz.: to establish complete solidarity upon the industrial field and be prepared to meet the onslaughts of the common enemy.

As I have pointed out before, to modern capitalism it makes little difference whether we are organized along craft lines or industrial lines, whether we are Republicans, Democrats or Socialists. The labor-hating capitalists do not stop to ask questions about what we believe or practice in an industrial or political sense, but they wield the big stick mercilessly against any and every organization and individual, that resists their mandates. Therefore, the first common sense thing to do is to get together in a federation and gradually amalgamate into one homogeneous whole, make the best fight possible industrially, and use our political power to protect our economic organizations.

The curtain has descended in the first act of the judicial drama that is being presented in Washington. The National Association of Manufacturers and its score of affiliated employers' organizations, which bodies have started in to raise a fund of $1.500,000 for the purpose of making war upon trade unions and enforce the open shop, won a victory in the equity court of the District of Columbia in the celebrated case of the Buck's Stove & Range Co. versus the American Federation of Labor. The plaintiff petitioned for an injunction to restrain the officers of the A. F. of L. from publishing the name of the Buck's Stove & Range Co., St. Louis, in the "We Don't Patronize List." The boycott was declared because the Buck's Co., the president of which concern is J. W. Van Cleave, president of the National Association of Manufacturers, locked out the metal polishers for refusing to surrender the nine-hour day and return to the ten-hour system of work.

Justice Gould, of the equity court, after a hearing that lasted several weeks and in which the attorneys of both sides exhausted every effort to win a victory, granted the injunction and took occasion to arraign the action of the Federation as an illegal conspiracy. While the injunction is of a temporary character, it is reported from Washington that Justice Gould exhaustively reviewed the case, made copious citations of authorities, quoted precedents as to boycott definitions, and said there was no room for argument as to the conspiracy alleged being established. The judge also declared that he had not, in his decision, taken up the question of inhibition of the boycott inder the Sherman anti-trust law or the interstate commerce act. The

question of making the temporary injunction permanent will come up in the spring, and no matter what the decision is then the case will be carried to the United States Supreme Court for final hearing. Incidentally, Justice Gould embraced the opportunity to emphasize his decision by issuing injunctions at the same time against the carriage workers and bakers ordering those two organizations to cease boycotting several local concerns.

As has been stated in the Review before, this case is the most momentous judicial struggle in which organized labor has ever been engaged. It is well understood that the Buck's Co. is acting in behalf of many other concerns whose names appear upon the unfair list of the American Federation of Labor, and it can be readily surmised that if the United States Supreme Court upholds the Washington court one unfair form after another will produce an injunction to have their names removed from the "We Don't Patronize List," and thus the boycott list will have become emasculated and organized labor is robbed of the most powerful weapon in its possession at the present, for it is only through putting the fear of God in their hearts through the medium of a boycott that causes some of the capitalists to be fairly decent now. The fact that employers without exception are prone to rail at the boycott as "un-American," while at the same time they themselves do a bit of boycotting whenever they get the chance, is proof positive that they would be mightily pleased to have this weapon of the unions outlawed. I have it from excellent authority that the Buck's Stove & Range Co. has been losing a large amount of patronage because the concern has become known throughout the country as being unfair, and, inconsistent though it may seem, the real owner of the firm is not Van Cleave, but is said to be a Chicago capitalist who is regarded as a "friend of organized labor."

Howsoever that may be, the undisputed fact is that every capitalist in the land is desirous that labor boycotts be pronounced unlawful. If the Supreme Court upholds Justice Gould in the opinion that a boycott is an "illegal conspiracy," then the capitalists will be in a position not only to claim damages as a result of strikes, but may also imprison workingmen for committing misdemeanors. In other words, it will become a crime to strike against and boycott those who deliberately oppress the working class.

Whether or not the United States Supreme Court will uphold the District of Columbia equity court is a speculative matter. But judging from past experience organized labor has not much to hope for from that source. The higher labor cases are carried, the further away they get from the heart of the people, and the less sympathy and support is given such cases, by the august tribunals, who are amazed at the very audacity of labor daring to imagine that it has a grievance.

Rob the workers of their right to act in concert to resist the encroachments of combined capitalism, and the natural result will be that they will turn to their only remaining and too long neglected weapon, the ballot, to secure justice. So in the long run the Van Cleave-Parry-Post open shop agitators may not only be thanked for amalgamating labor upon the industrial field, but also for becoming a distinct political force. This is a great opportunity for the Socialists to spread their propaganda and ralley the intelligent workers to their standard.

Just what a flat failure the Gompers political policy of "rewarding your friends and punishing your enemies" really is has been thoroughly illustrated by recent occurrences. In the Congressional