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tacks on the party, this plea has lost validity. In consequence, the feeling has been gaining ground that we ought to exclude these elements from the party if we cannot get them to join the trade unions. There were several motions to this effect before the Congress, but, acting on the advice of the executive, and also the opinion of one of the most experienced trade union officials in Germany, Bomelburg, the Congress declined to endanger negotions which are still going on by any hasty action, so that the question was indefinitely postponed. It is satisfactory to note that on this point the General Commission of German Trade Unions was absolutely at one with the party.

The reports on the Parliamentary work of the party and the International Congress, by Sudekum and Singer respectively, were less harmonious, and provoked a most lively debate on the relations of the party to the questions of militarism and colonial policy. Notably a speech by one of the Saxony Deputies in the patriotism of the party, and their readiness to take part in the work of national defence, which, from the fact that it had been put forward by one of our representatives in Parliament, called forth lively indignation in the party. Even Bebel's remarks in this respect would seem to have gone beyond what the occasion required. Bebel defended the deputy whose speech was called in question in a rather weak speech I thought, and the marter was passed over, but no doubt the Parliamentary group will take better care that on future occasions the speakers will not give occasion to the enemy. The Colonial question gave rise to an even more lively debate. As to what had occurred in the German group in the International Congress there were two contradictory accounts, one by Wurm and Ledebour the other by David. David seemed to be auxious to explain away his support of the unlucky resolution in favour of a Socialist Colonial policy, but without much success, and Ledebour. Kautsky, Stadhagen, and others had no difficulty in showing how completely the majority of the German section in at first supporting the majority resolution had put themselves in contradiction to the whole policy of the German Party up to the present, as well as to the binding resolution passed by the Congress at Mainz in 1900. The Radical or revolutionary section of the party had matters practically all their own way in this as in the military debate, since despite all challenges the Revisionists declined to come out into the open. Bebel's speech on the general political situation was, as might be expected, a very able and illuminating survey of the field. He analysed the results of the last Reichstag elections and showed that when we considered the strength of the forces which our opponents were able to bring into the field, the results were much better than at first appeared.

To my mind the most satisfactory part of the Congress was the discussion on the Alcohol Question. The resolution of Wurm though he is no abstainer was such as the Socialist abstainers could readily support, and though some thought it might have been made more plain and outspoken, I do not think that that was necessary. It lays stress on the fact that alcohol, while is no way a cause of poverty and rather a result, does at the same time react on poverty and aggravate it. Social reform, shortening of the hours of labour, and better conditions are looked to to cure the evil as well as a recognition of the dangers of alcoholism. All measures, such as prohibition and high licenses, limitation of public-houses. etc., are condemned as useless, and the workers are appealed to under no circumstances to give their children alcohol, and the party and Labour movement are pledged to do their best to free the party meetings from all compulsion to drink by substituting a direct payment for the

rooms we occupy for the payment through the drinks consumed. Wurm further pointed out that the poor and underfed workers have the most reason of all to avoid alcoholism, because, on their weakened frames, its influence was most diastrous. Wurm's speech, which was a particularly able analysis of the effects of alcoholism, will be separately published and distributed for propaganda purposes.

It was decided also to set up a party news agency under the control of the Executive of the Party, and Nuremberg was chosen for the next Congress, which will be the 40th anniversary of a very important Congress, that of the then-time Eisenachers, at which the party decided for a Socialist programme, although it consisted of organisations which, up to that time, had been nominally hostile to Socialist principles. This concluded the proceedings of the Congress.




This month we are giving this subject the most prominent place. The book publishing house incorporated under the name of Charles H. Kerr & Company is the property of 1818 different stockholders, and the responsibility for carrying on its work successfully belongs to as many of these as are interested in that work. It can not be too often repeated that no capitalist is backing the publishing house; its manager is a wage-worker, and while there are a few of the stockholders who are popularly supposed to be wealthy, none of them are evidencing their wealth by pouring large-sums of money into our treasury. Perhaps it is better so; if we can only fight it out on this line till the debts are all paid, there will be no danger on the score of a few wealthy socialists getting control of the publishing house through their investments; the control will remain with the ten dollar share holders, who already have a large majority of the shares.

But what good will this control do them if they do not see that the debts are paid? These debts are not large; all we owe to nonstockholders would hardly represent a month's average receipts, but as long as the debt remains it is a source of danger; a constant anxiety to the manager while he is living through the situation, and a probable source of very serious ambarassment to the rest of the stockholders in the event of his not living. In view of all this, the manager offered some time ago to contribute from what the publishing house owes him a sum equal to the contributions of all other stockholders up to $2100, for the purpose of putting the business on a cash basis. The contributions thus far received on this offer are as follows:

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This is rather a small beginning toward the total of $4200 that should be raised to put the publishing house on a cash basis once for all. And the worst thing about it is that the gifts that have thus far come in are not at all proportioned to the ability of the stockholders to contribute.

The other receipts of the month were on the whole encouraging. We received $170.16 from the subscriptions and the sale of copies of the Review, $239.08 from the sale of stock and $1835.73 from the sale of books, making a total with the contributions of $2391.79. With this we have paid the ordinary expenses of the month, the balance unpaid on the plates of the second volume of "Capital", and part of the outstanding bills for the immense stock of books we are carrying in anticipation of the fall and winter demand. There still remain left-over bils to the amount of about $1200 and current bills to the amount of about $1000 more, all of which need to be paid this month. Two dollars from every stockholder would take care of the whole floating debt and give a comfortable working balance. But many of the stockholders are unable to do anything, and many others are indifferent. So that those who are able and willing to help will need to send sums of from $5.00 to $500,00 each according to their resources. There is no deficit. The book sales every month pay all expenses and more, but the trouble is that we have not and never had the capital needed for the business, so every cent that can be raised each month goes to pay for books previously published. Once raise the capital we need, and new books can be added to our list without the unpleasant accompaniment of new debts.


All this has been said to the stockholders. But their responsibility is really no greater that that of other socialists with brains enough to realize the need of circulating literature. If you are one of these, you ought to become a stockholder,- there is no other way in which ten dollars will go quite so far toward making socialists. If you can spare ten dollars all at once, send it along and you will not only get a share of stock but also the two volumes of "Capital", or any of our other books to the amount of$4.00, expressage prepaid. If you haven't the ten dollars, send a dollar or more for books at retail prices; for each dollar you will also get a credit slip for 40 c. good any time within a year toward the purchase of a share. When your purchases of books from week to week amount to $25, your share will be paid for, and you will then be entitled to buy any of our books at 40 per cent discount if we pay the transportation, or 50 percent if you pay it. We have over a hundred socialist books in cloth binding and over a hundred socialist pamphlets for you to select from, and we shall publish more as fast as more capital can be raised, only first we want to get out of debt.

There is one kind of debt however that is not a source of so much anxiety. This is the money lent by stockholders to the publishing house. We receive sums of $50 to $500 at four per cent interest, payable on thirty days' call, and smaller sums without interest, payable on demand. We have always been able to repay these loans as fast as we have been called upon for them, and to do this will be easier in the future than it has been. We are now paying more than 4 per cent on just $800, and should be glad to convert this into 4 per cent loans to stockholders as soon as possible But we do not intend to bring out new books with borrowed money; we prefer to defer bringing them out until the necessary capital is subscribed by those who want the books published.


In last month's Review we gave a list of the new books published within the last few months. We give below a list of the books that we expect to publish soon.

Marxian Economics. This book by Ernest Untermann was first announced a year ago. We felt justified at the time in making the announcement, because we had the written agreement of the author to furnish us the complete manuscript not later than January, 1907. He was however delayed in his work by circumstances beyond his control, and did not give us the last of the manuscript until nearly the end of August. And the work of correcting the proofs was very slow for the reason that Comrade Untermann is in the mountains of Idaho, many miles from a railroad, so that it takes nearly two weeks to get corrected proofs back from him. The work now however is so far completed that we feel safe in promising copies for delivery in November.

And the book will prove worth waiting for. It is the best thing Ernest Untermann ever wrote, and that is saying a great deal. It is a restatement, not of what is in the first volume of "Capital", like "The Student's Marx", but of the three volumes. And its method is entirely different from that followed in any previous manual of Marxian teachings. Instead of following Marx's arrangement, a dif ficult one for beginners, Untermann uses Marx's historical method, showing in a story at once true and entertaining, the development of the processes by which human beings have supplied their wants from the monkey stage to the Rockefeller stage, with the effects of the various methods of production upon human ideas and institutions. When he reaches the difficult questions of value, surplus value, etc., he thus has the reader's mind prepared for the subject, and its comprehension is far easier than when approached in the usual way. (International Library of Social Science, Vol. 13, $1.00.)

The Republic. By N. P. Andresen. This is an extended dialog of nearly 300 pages between a college professor and two capitalists in which the probable development of the Just State is discussed in detail. The book in its general plan is modeled, as its title indicates, on the Republic of Plato, and while the conclusions are revolutionary, the author's manner of thinking shows the influence of Plato's followers more than of Marx and Darwin. Revolutionary socialists who read the book will smile or groan occasionally over the implied assumption that Justice (with a capital initial) is an end which must be consciously kept in view, and that this Justice has something unchanging and supernatural about it. Yet in spite of all this, the book will prove excellent propaganda among the great mass of people who still think in terms of theology or metaphysics. Practical details are discussed with a deal of shrewd commonsense and many of the popular objections to socialism are answe redconvincingly. We should not forget that one object to be accomplished by our literature is to break down the belief still so widespread even among those who live by working that capitalist property is just and right. Such books as "The Republic take the prejudiced people on the mental plane where they now are, and bring new facts to their attention. Once let them begin to study facts, and a scientific view of the facts will come later. "The Republic" is written in an interesting style, and is just the book to hand to a teacher, clergyman, merchant or farmer who is beginning fo worry about the trusts but is still afraid of socialism. (International Library of Social Science, Vol. 17, $1.00.) Ready in November.

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