fices that refuse to concede the shorter workday. About 85 per cent of the journeymen in the trade are organized, and it is believed that the union printing establishments will inangurate the eight-hour system without much trouble. The fight will come in the so-called open shops. Up to the present the eight-hour day has been conceded to the binders in about 25 cities and towns. It is likely that a heavy assessment will be levied upon those members who gain the demands to support their fellow-workers on strike.

In all probability the printing pressmen the country over will also go on strike for the eight-hour day in the near future. At this writing the international officers are in conference with representatives of the employers' association known as the United Typothetae, which body as been waging desperate war upon te Typographical Union during the past two years to enforce its open shops and long hour policy. The pressmen had an agreement with the Typothetae conceding the open shop and the introduction of eight-hour day in 1909, but at the recent convention in New York that compact entered into by the officers was repudiated and those responsible for it were turned out of their positions. Now the pressmen demand not only the eigh-hour day, but the closed shop as well. To grant those concessions would mean that the employers' association had completely reversed its former policy, and it is hardly probably that the bosses will yield to what they naturally regard as a humiliating position. It would mean the disruption of their organization, or what is left of it, for the printers drove many bosses out of the Typothetae.

Cornelius Shea was defeated for re-election as president of the Teamsters Union at the recent Boston convention, Daniel J. Tobin, of the latter city, bein chosen as his successor. . In fact th Shea administration was almost completely wiped out. An effort is now being made to harmonize the factions and build up the organization to its old-time strength. Shea is an able man in many respects and a hard fighter. Being only human, he made some mistakes, the crowning error being his support of Mayor Busse in Chicago at the last election. They say he was actuated by revenge because of Mayor Dunne's policy in sending the police against the teamsters during their strikes, just as though Busse won't do the same thing at the very next strike. It is this childish politics of "rewarding our friends and punishing our enemies" that has caused the downfall of a good many union officials and will undoubtedly do so in the future. Their opponents are bound to arouse suspicion against them and soon their influence is gone. If a man is conscientiously a Republican, Democrat or Socialist he is usually respected, whether we agree with him or not. But when he flaps around boosting a "friend" here and knocking an "enemy" there it is quite natural that the average person asks, "How much?" There are hundreds of ward-healers and bums in every city who play that game the year around and have no other visible means of support. Why should union officials attempt to compete with ward-healers and not only destroy their own usefullness, but bring disgrace upon the whole labor movement? Shea can thank the Gompersonian policy of "rewarding our friends and punishing our enemies" for his undoing.

The impression is steadily growing that there will be another showdown in the anthracite mining region next spring, when the present agreement expires. A district convention was held at Wilkesbarre, Pa., recently, and there it was shown that under the present open shop system dictated by Roosevelt the miners' locals are getting

an "unsquare" deal. The delegates complained that good union men are being constantly discharged and blacklisted, while non-unionists and backsliders are favored, openly and deliberately, in order to dishearten the union men and win lukewarm members away from the organization. An effort was made to secure the adoption of a plan whereby members in good standing were to refuse to work with those in arrears for dues until the latter paid up. But it was shown that such action would violate the open shop agreement, and consequently the plan was dropped. In the debate it was declared that the hands of the unionists are tied; that the operators can victimize union members, put a premium on scabbery, and yet nothing can be done. Hence there is plenty of talk of trouble next spring. But meanwhile Baer & Co. are having mountains of coal piled up in anticipation of a strike -and the dear people will pay the cost.

PUBLISHERS' DEPARTMENT

HOW TO MAKE SOCIALISTS.

The raw material for socialists is being turned out as a by-product of capitalist production, a great deal faster than organized socialism has been able to use it. With dividends increasing, prices rising and wages about as before, it is not hard for the average laborer to grasp the idea that he is not getting all he produces. With one fight or another always on between trade unions and employers, and with the courts and police always at the service of the capitalists, it is easy for the trade unionist to get some glimmerings of the class struggle. The work of “agitation" is done for us; it is a useless task for us to duplicate it.

In other words, the non-socialist laborer already knows something is wrong with capitalism. We need waste no breath telling him. Many of our treasured arguments have thus become obsolete. What we need to do is to help him to see how things are evolving, and why a revolutionary class party is the most effective instrument to help HIM get what HE wants.

As the Stuttgart congress has definitely recognized, we can not overthrow capitalism with a party alone. There must not only be a clearly revolutionary party; there must also be a clearly revolutionary trade union movement to work with it, and there can be neither one nor the other without clear-headed revolutionists.

These revolutionists will not evolve without study. They can not study without books. To circulate these necessary books is the work of the eighteen hundred men and women who are organized in the co-operative publishing house known as Charles H. Kerr & Company. Eight years ago when we published the first American editions of Liebknecht's Socialism and Engels' Socialism Utopian and Scientific, the writings of European socialists were practically unknown to American workingmen, and there was no American socialist literature worth mentioning. Today we are publishing over a hundred different socialist books in permanent binding for libraries, besides more than a hundred pamphlets. Our list includes all the greatest books on socialism by the ablest writers of all countries,

and our co-operative plan puts them within the reach of workingmen at a fraction of the prices usually charged for sociological works. And all this has been accomplished practically without capital, except such as has been painfully raised in small sums from the people who want the socialist books circulated.

BOOKS RECENTLY PUBLISHED.

During the last year we have had exceptional chances for securing books of the utmost value to the movement on favorable terms, and we have therefore added to our list more rapidly than ever before. The consequence is that our sales, though larger than ever, have not been enough to cover the heavy outlay required by bringing out so many new books at once. Moreover, many of the comrades who have been accustomed to buying each new book as fast as published have not been able to keep up with us. The consequence is that though our total sales have been large the sale of each new book has been somewhat less than we had counted on. We will here name over the principal publications which we have added to our list during the last year, since many readers of the Review have doubtless overlooked some of them, and will want to send for them at once upon being reminded.

Marx's Capital. The first volume of this great work was published by us last December. Previous to that time we had been importing and selling the London edition, translated by Samuel Moore and Edward Aveling, and edited by Frederick Engels. Our own edition is an accurate reprint of this, except that it has been revised by Ernest Untermann so as to include the additions and changes made by Engels in the fourth German edition. It also contains a complete topical index, a feature never included in any previous edition, English or German. Typographically it is far superior to any previous edition, and the price is $2.00, remarkably low for a book of 869 large pages. We issued 2,000 copies, and they are nearly all sold, so that a new edition will soon be needed.

We published the second volume last July. This is an entirely new translation, by Ernest Untermann. The volume, although published in the German language in 1885, has never until now been within the reach of American readers. The London publishers of the first volume have given us an advance order for 500 copies of the second. The sale of this volume up to the present time in the United States however, up to this time, has been small, considering the great importance of the work, and we hope that every reader of the Review who has not yet ordered the volume will do so at once. The price is $2.00, the same as the first volume.

Comrade Untermann has nearly completed his translation of the third and final volume, which we hope to publish early in 1908. The

translation is paid for by Comrade Eugene Dietzgen as a gift to the American socialist movement. The printing will, however, involve an outlay of about $1500, since the third volume is even larger than the first. A considerable addition to our working capital will therefore be necessary in order to bring out this volume.

International Library of Social Science. This series of important socialist works in large and handsomely printed volumes at a dollar each was started at the beginning of 1906, and we shall mention here only the later volumes, since the earlier one are more than a year old. The Positive Outcome of Philosophy, by Joseph Ditzgen, translated by Ernest Untermann, is a work only second to the masterpieces of Marx and Engels in its importance to the student of socialism. Socialism and Philosophy, by, Antonio Labriola, is far simpler in style and expression than the author's earlier work, "Essays on the Materialistic Conception of History." It continues the discussion of the subject in the form of familiar letters to Sorel, a prominent socialist of France. The Physical Basis of Mind and Morals, by M. H. Fitch, is noteworthy in that the author, with no knowledge of the literature of socialism, has reached substantially the same conclusions as Marx, Engels and Dietzgen by an entirely different route, starting with the data furnished by Herbert Spencer and pointing out the errors of his bourgeois followers. Revolutionary Essays, by Peter E. Burrowes, is a well known work by a well known social1st writer, which has been added to our list within the last year. The Rise of the American Proletarian, by Austin Lewis, is a strong clear application of Marx's historical method to the recent history of the United States. Lafargue has lately pointed out that socialists have thus far been too ready to talk about historical materialism rather than to use the principle in a scientific way to explain facts and throw light on social problems. Austin Lewis has in this book done a work that was greatly needed, and his book is interesting enough and easy enough for a new inquirer, while it is original and searching enough to repay the study of the best informed socialist. The Theoretical System of Karl Marx, by Louis B. Boudin, is a statement of the Marxian system in the light of recent criticism. He shows how the various parts of the system are related so that the acceptance of one part involves the acceptance of the rest. The book forms an admirable introduction to the study of "Capital." Landmarks of Scientific Socialism, by Frederick Engels, is a translation by Austin Lewis of all the valuable portions, hitherto unpublished in English, of Engels' great work "Anti-Duehring." This is one of the indispensable classics of socialism.

Standard Socialist Series. This series includes the best obtainable socialist books that can be printed in convenient pocket form and retailed at 50c. They are handsomely bound in cloth in the same style as the larger volumes. Twenty-two of those volumes