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Was he of high or low degree?
Did grandeur smile upon his lot?
Or, born to dark obscurity,

Dwelt he within some lowly cot,
And, from his youth to labour wed,
From toil-strung limbs wrung daily bread?

Say, died he ripe, and full of years,
Bowed down, and bent by hoary eld,
When sound was silence to his ears,
And the dim eye-ball sight with-held;
Like a ripe apple falling down,
Unshaken, 'mid the orchard brown;

When all the friends that bless'd his prime,
Were vanish'd like a morning dream;
Pluck'd one by one by spareless Time,
And scatter'd in oblivion's stream;

Passing away all silently,

Like snow-flakes melting in the sea :

Or, 'mid the summer of his years,

When round him throng'd his children young, When bright eyes gush'd with burning tears, And anguish dwelt on every tongue,

Was he cut off, and left behind

A widow'd wife, scarce half-resign'd?

Or, 'mid the sunshine of his spring,

Came the swift bolt that dash'd him down; When she, his chosen, blossoming

In beauty, deem'd him all her own, And forward look'd to happier years Than ever bless'd their vale of tears?

Perhaps he perish'd for the faith,—
One of that persecuted band,
Who suffer'd tortures, bonds, and death,
To free from mental thrall the land,
And, toiling for the Martyr's fame,
Espoused his fate, nor found a name!

Say, was he one to science blind,

A groper in Earth's dungeon dark?-
Or one, whose bold aspiring mind

Did, in the fair creation, mark
The Maker's hand, and kept his soul
Free from this grovelling world's control ?

Hush, wild surmise!-'tis vain-'tis vain-
The Summer flowers in beauty blow,
And sighs the wind, and floods the rain,
O'er some old bones that rot below;
No other record can we trace,

Of fame or fortune, rank or race!

Then, what is life, when thus we see
No trace remains of life's career-
Mortal! whoe'er thou art, for thee
A moral lesson gloweth here;
Put'st thou in aught of earth thy trust?
"Tis doom'd that dust shall mix with dust.

What doth it matter then, if thus,
Without a stone, without a name,
To impotently herald us,

We float not on the breath of fame;
But, like the dew-drop from the flower,
Pass, after glittering for an hour.

Since soul decays not; freed from earth,
And earthly coils, it bursts away;—
Receiving a celestial birth,

And spurning off its bonds of clay,
It soars, and seeks another sphere,
And blooms through Heaven's eternal year!

Do good; shun evil; live not thou,
As if at death thy being died;
Nor Error's syren voice allow

To draw thy steps from truth aside
Look to thy journey's end-the grave!
And trust in him whose arm can save.

A

8KETCH OF THE REVOLUTION IN MEXICO.

TO CHRISTOPHER NORTH, ESQ.

SIR,-I beg leave to offer you a sketch of one of the numerous American Revolutions, drawn up from authentic sources in the country itself. I am well aware of the indifference, I might almost say disgust, with which South American or Mexican politics used to be received by the public; and I by no means wish you to give this sketch a place, if such be still the general feeling. Nevertheless, there are one or two features in the Mexican Revolution which distinguish it from all those of Chili, Peru, &c. First, the circumstance of the change having been brought about principally by Spanish officers, and eventually receiving its confirmation at the hands of a Spanish Viceroy of high character, and who either acted from the most culpable weakness, the most unnational liberality of political spirit, or the deepest treachery. Secondly, there having been little or no bloodshed, nor any confiscations of property, nor any arrests, nor any extensive enthusiasm on either side-and, finally, the singular mixture of moderation and ambition in the Chief, who certainly wished to possess kingly authority; but who, throughout, conducted himself with so much temper and forbearance, and shewed so much real goodness and kindness, and was always so much more ready to forgive his political enemies than to crush them, that it is difficult to view him as a common usurper.

I have many thanks to return you for the gratification your Magazine afforded me in those distant regions, for I was sure to find it in all those places where the dawning light of knowledge was beginning to appear.

Your most obedient Servant,

ABOUT the middle of 1820, accounts were received in Mexico of the revolution in Spain, and it was soon made known that orders had been sent to Apodacca, the Viceroy, to proclaim the Constitution to which Ferdinand the Seventh had sworn. But it appears that Apodacca, as well as some of the principal generals, either acting under secret orders from Spain, or prompted

VIATOR.

by their own feelings on the subject, resolved to resist, if possible, this change, by force of the army under their orders. The popular sentiment, as may be supposed, was against such a project; and the seeds of an extensive revolt were in this way unconsciously sown by the very persons who, of all others, it may be supposed, had the interests of the mother country most

at heart. New levies of troops were made in consequence of these determi nations on the part of the royalists; and the whole country was gradually and almost insensibly roused into military action.

The chief obstacle, as it was thought by these leaders, to the success of their plan, was the presence of Don N. Armigo, whose attachment to the cause of the Constitution was too well known to admit a doubt of his supporting it. He was therefore dismissed from the command of the military division stationed between Mexico and Acapulco; and in his place was appointed Don Augustin Iturbidé, an officer who, on the occasion of an insurrection some years ago, had shown himself a steady adherent to the interests of the King, although a native of the country. There is also reason to suspect that he was a party to the secret projects alluded to above; and that, when he left Mexico in February 1821, he was implicitly confided in by the Viceroy and his associates. It is difficult otherwise to conceive, how he should have been intrusted at that time with the escort of more than half a million of dollars, destined for embarkation at Acapulco. And it is not improbable, that, even after he had seized this money, the Viceroy and the Generals were under a belief that he had taken this step in furtherance of their views, since he was allowed to enter the town of Leon with his prize, where it is notorious he might have been taken, had not the commander of another division of troops, who was called upon to assist in the recapture, declared that he had orders from General Cruz not to act hostilely against Iturbidé. Be these surmises true, or otherwise, it is certain that Iturbidé, on seizing the money at a place called Iguala, about 120 miles from Mexico, commenced the revolution by publishing a paper, wherein he proposed to the Viceroy that a new form of government should be established, independent of the mother country.

As this document, which bears the title of the "Plan of Iguala," has been made the foundation of all the subsequent proceedings of the revolutionists, and is still the text, the spirit and principles of which direct, or are said to direct, the councils of the government, it may perhaps prove not uninteresting to give a sketch of its leading features.

It bears date the 24th February, 1821, the day after Iturbidé had possessed himself of the treasure under his escort.

Article 1st Secures to the country the Roman Catholic religion, to the entire intolerance of any other.

2d, Declares New Spain independent of Old Spain, or any other country.

3d, Defines the government to be a limited monarchy, "regulated according to the spirit of the peculiar constitution adapted to the country."

4th, Proposes that the Imperial Crown of Mexico be offered first to Ferdinand VII.; and, in the event of his declining it, to several of the princes of that family, but specifying that the representative government of New Spain shall have the power eventually to name the Emperor, if these Princes shall also refuse. Article 8th points this out more explicitly.

5th, 6th, and 7th Articles relate to the details of duties belonging to the Provisional Government, which is to consist of a Junto and a Regency, till the Cortes or Congress be assembled at Mexico.

9th, The government is to be supported by an army which shall bear the name of "The Army of the Three Guarantees."-These guarantees, itappears by the 16th article, are, 1st, The Religion in its present pure state. 2dly, The Independence; and, 3dly, The intimate Union of Americans and Spaniards in the country.

10th and 11th, Relate to the duties of Congress with respect to the formation of a constitution on the principles of this" Plan."

12th, Declares every inhabitant of New Spain a citizen thereof-of whatever country he be; and renders every man eligible to every office, without exception even of Africans. (Subsequently, a modification of this article excluded slaves.)

13th, Secures persons and property. 14th, Strong assurances of maintaining, untouched, the privileges and immunities of the church.

15th, Promises not to remove individuals from their present offices. 16th, (See 9th.)

17th, 18th, 19th, and 20th, About the formation of the army, and other military details.

21st, Until new laws be framed, those of the present Spanish constitu tion to be in force.

221, Declares treason against the independence, to be second only to sacrilege.

23d, To the same effect.

24th, Points out that the Cortes, or Sovereign Congress, is to be a constituent assembly; to hold its sessions in Mexico, and not in Madrid.

It may be remarked, by the way, that this plan dexterously weaves into its essence the direct and obvious interests of all classes in the community, especially of those who have most to lose the clergy and the old Spaniards, and who, besides, have by far the most extensive moral influence over society; the one by being in possession of nearly all the capital in the country, and the other by having gained, in times past, an influence over men's minds, to which, perhaps, there does not now exist a parallel in the Christian world. But, although this be unquestionably the case, yet both these parties, especially of late, have been made to feel, that their influence, and even existence, turn upon opinion alone, and they are sufficiently aware that they may lose both in a moment. To them, therefore, the countenance of power was of great consequence, and their most immediate interest became that of supporting the views of a party, which, instead of oppressing them, as had been the case elsewhere, condescended to borrow their support.

Again, by not holding out a vague prospect of a representative government, but beginning at once by calling the deputies together, and meanwhile naming a junto and a regency, -doubts and jealousies were dissipated, or put to sleep. And yet, if examined closely, there is, with a show of much disinterestedness, a cautious looseness of expression in all parts of this "Plan," which may, and probably will, be taken abundant advantage of by and by. This remark applies more particularly to article 3d.

In the interim, this "Plan" answered Iturbide's purposes fully, as the flame which it had kindled soon spread over the whole country. He was also soon joined by several of the most distinguished of the King's officers; amongst others, by Don Pedro Celestino Negreti, (a Spaniard, but married in the country,) and by Colonel Bustamante, who brought with him 1000 cavalry. On every side the great cities yielded at once to his forces, or to his persua

sions. Such also was Iturbide's address, that, in every case of conquest, he converted into active friends all those who had been indifferent before; and he seldom failed to gain over to his cause the most powerful of his enemies, and at the same time he won the confidence and esteem of every one, by his invariable moderation.

While the independent cause was thus rapidly advancing, that of the Spanish Government was falling fast to pieces. The Viceroy, who found it impossible to stem the torrent, was glad to abdicate his authority at the suggestion of the officers, who appear to have adopted a similar course to that of their countrymen in Peru in the case of Pezuela. But his successor, Field-Marshal Novella, could do nothing to restore the cause of the King, and Iturbidé drew his armies closer and closer round the capital, with a steady progress, and subduing everything before him. At this critical moment Gen. O'Donaju arrived from Spain, vested with powers to supersede the Viceroy Apodacca. To his astonishment he found the country he came to govern no longer under the orders of his master, but raised into an independent state. He had come alone, without troops, and, seeing at a glance that the country was irrecoverably lost, on the terms at least on which it had been held heretofore, he endeavoured to make the best conditions he could for the mother country; and, in order to pave the way, issued a proclamation to the inhabitants, which breathed nothing but liberality and hearty congratulations upon their prospect of happiness-a singular document to come from such a quarter!

Iturbidé, seeing this disposition on the part of O'Donaju to take all that had passed in good part, invited him to a conference. They accordingly met at Cordova, where a treaty, which bears the name of that city, was signed on the 24th of August, 1821. By this treaty, O'Donaju recognized the "Plan of Iguala;" and not only engaged to use his influence in conformity therewith, but, in order to manifest his sincerity still further, he actually agreed to become a member of the Provisional Government: to dispatch commissioners to Spain to offer the crown to Ferdinand; and, in short, in the name of Spain, to make common cause with Iturbidé.

The accession of such a man to his

party, circumstanced too as O'Donaju was, became of incalculable importance to Iturbidé. It broke down the hopes of those, who, up to this moment, had looked for the re-establishment of the ancient order of things;it justified completely the conduct of the Spanish residents who had in a similar manner yielded to the popular tide; and it was very naturally hailed, from the one end of the country to the other, as a confirmation of the justness and solidity of the independent cause.

The capital was soon persuaded to yield, in consequence of O'Donaju's representations, and Iturbide entered it on the 27th of September.

At this important moment O'Donaju died, to the great sorrow of the Spaniards in the country, who had calculated much upon his countenance. But it is difficult to say, whether or not his death was detrimental to Iturbide's views. O'Donaju had already done all that was possible to establish Iturbide's immediate objects, particularly in preventing disunion; and it may be questioned, whether he would have co-operated so heartily when these objects came to take a more personal and ambitious direction, and when the interests of the Spanish crown were less and less considered.

1

From that period, up to the end of March, 1822, Iturbide's plans were steadily carried forward; the deputies to Congress were gradually drawing together from the different provinces, and he had time to collect in his favour the suffrages of the remotest towns. The "trigaranti" colours were worn by all classes; and by a thousand other ingenious manoeuvres the people were gradually taught to associate their present freedom with Iturbide's celebrated "Plan of Iguala," and, thence, by an easy transition, to look to him, individually, for their future prosperity.

The Cortes finally met on the 24th February, and one of their first, if not their very first act, was, an edict, permitting all who chose it, to leave the country, and allowing the export of specie at a duty of only three and a half per cent. This good faith, (for it had been long before promised by Iturbide,) gave great confidence to the mercantile capitalists, and probably decided many of them to remain in the country, who, had they been less at

liberty to go, would have felt less desirous of remaining.

A rumour, too, was put about at this time, that the Inquisition might probably be re-established-a prospect which was no less grateful to the hopes of the clergy, than a free export of specie was to the merchants; and, as Iturbide himself, at this juncture, condescended to advocate the cause of the army, by writing appeals, with his name at full length, in the public prints, in favour of the merits and claims of his fellow-soldiers, he dexterously contrived to bring all parties into the best possible humour with him individually.

On the 18th of May, 1822, he presented to the Congress two Madrid gazettes of the 13th and 14th of February, by which it appeared that the Cortes of Spain had declared the treaty of Cordova entered into by O'Donajú to be null and void, totally disavowing all his acts.

This was, undoubtedly, what Iturbidé had expected; and the "Sovereign Constituent Congress" immediately decided, "that, by the foregoing declaration of Spain, the Mexican nation were freed from the obligations of that treaty, as far as Spain was concerned; and that, as, by the third article of the treaty, the Constituent Congress were left at liberty, in such event, to name an Emperor, they thought fit, in consequence not only of their own opinion, but in concordance with the voice of the people, to elect Don Augustin de Iturbide the First Constitutional Emperor of the Empire of Mexico, on the basis proclaimed in the Plan of Iguala,' which had already been received throughout the Empire."

What has since been the fate of Iturbidé, I have not had any good means of knowing. The public prints say that he has been deposed and illtreated. This is very likely. He undertook too much for the force he had under his command-and, even if he had had one a hundred times greater, he was not of a temper to have wielded it in the despotic manner indispensable to the maintenance of quiet in so vast a country.

Recent accounts, which have arrived since the above went to press, state, that Iturbidé and his family have been banished to Italy, and that his property has been confiscated.

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