and this constitution is less or more calculated to promote the interests of the community. The civil governor, whether he be elective or hereditary, agrees to govern according to that constitution. Thus, we may consider, that there is a compact and consent between the governor and the governed; and, in such a case, the potentate may be considered as coming to the supreme authority in the direct way of God's providence: and, as civil government is of God, who is the fountain of law, order, and regularity; the civil governor, who administers the laws of a state according to its constitution, is the minister of God. "But it has been asked, If the ruler be an immoral or profligate man, does he not prove himself, thereby, to be unworthy of his high office, and should he not be deposed?" I answer-No: if he rule according to the constitution, nothing can justify rebellion against his authority. He may be irregular in his own private life; he may be an immoral man, and disgrace himself by an improper conduct but if he rule according to the law; if he make no attempt to change the constitution, nor break the compact between him and the people; there is, therefore, no legal ground of opposition to his civil authority; and every act against him is not only rebellion, in the worst sense of the word, but is unlawful, and absolutely sinful.

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Nothing can justify the opposition of the subjects to the ruler but ouvert attempts on his part, to change the constitution, or to rule contrary to law. When the ruler acts thus, he dissolves the compact between him and his people; his authority is no longer binding, because illegal; and it is illegal, because he is acting contrary to the laws of that constitution, according to which, on being raised to the supreme power, he promised to govern. This conduct justifies opposition to his government: but I contend, that no personal misconduct in the ruler, no immorality in his own life, while he governs

according to law, can either justify rebellion against him, or contempt of his authority. For his political conduct, he is accountable to the constitution; for his moral conduct, he is accountable to God, his conscience, and the ministers of religion.

"A King may be a good moral man, and yet a weak, and indeed a bad and dangerous prince. He may be a bad man, and stained with vice in his private life, and yet be a good prince. SAUL was a good moral man, but a bad prince; because he endeavoured to act contrary to the Israelitish constitution; he changed some essential parts of that constitution: he was therefore lawfully deposed. James the Second was a good moral man, as far as I can learn, but he was a bad and dangerous prince; he endeavoured to alter, and essentially change, the British constitution, both in church and state; therefore, he was lawfully deposed. It would be easy, in running over the list of our own Kings, to point out several who were deservedly reputed good kings, who, in their private life, were very immoral. Bad as they might be, in private life, the constitution was, in their hands, ever considered a sacred deposit; and they faithfully preserved it, and transmitted it unimpaired to their successors; and took care, while they held the reins of government, to have it impartially and effectually administered.

"It must be allowed, notwithstanding, that, when a Prince, howsoever heedful to the laws, is unrighteous in private life, his example is contagious: morality, banished from the throne, is discountenanced by the community; and public happiness is diminished in proportion to the increase of vice. On the other hand, when a King governs according to the constitution of his realms, and has his heart and life governed by the laws of his God, he is then a double blessing to his people: while he is ruling carefully according to the laws, his pious example is a great means of extending and confirming the reign of pure morality among his subjects. Vice is discredited

from the throne; and the profligate dares not hope for a place of trust and confidence, (however in other respects he may be qualified for it,) because he is a

vicious man.

"As I have already mentioned some potentates by name, as apt examples of the doctrines I have been laying down; my Readers will naturally expect that, on so fair an opportunity, I should introduce another; one in whom the double blessing meets; one who, through an unusually protracted reign, (during every year of which he has most conscientiously watched over the sacred constitution committed to his care,) not only has not impaired this constitution, but has taken care that its wholesome laws should be properly administered; and who, in every respect, has acted as the father of his people: and has added to all this, the most exemplary moral conduct, perhaps ever exhibited by a Prince, whether in ancient or modern times; not only tacitly discountenancing vice, by his truly religious conduct, but by his frequent proclamations, most solemnly forbidding sabbath-breaking, profane swearing, and immorality in general:-more might be justly said, but when I have mentioned all these things, (and I mention them with exultation, and with gratitude to God,) I need scarcely add the venerable name of GEORGE the Third, King of Great Britain; as every Reader will at once perceive that the description suits no potentate besides.

"I may just observe, that notwithstanding his long reign has been a reign of unparalleled troubles and commotions in the world, in which his empire has always been involved; yet, never did useful arts, ennobling sciences, and pure religion, gain a more decided and general ascendancy: and much of this, under God, is owing to the manner in which this King has lived; and the encouragement he invariably gave to whatever had a tendency to promote the best interests of his people, discountenancing reli

gious persecution in all its forms. Indeed, it may be justly observed, that, under the ruling Providence of God, it was chiefly owing to the private and personal virtues of the Sovereign, that the House of Brunswick remained firmly seated on the throne, amidst the storms arising from democratical agitations, and revolutionary convulsions, in Europe, during the years 1792-1794. The stability of his throne, amidst these dangers and distresses, may prove a useful lesson to his successors, and shew them the strength of a virtuous character; and that morality and religion form the best bulwark against those great evils to which all human governments are exposed. This small tribute of praise to the character and conduct of the British King, and gratitude to God for such a governor, will not be suspected of sinister motive; as the object of it is, by an inscrutable Providence, placed in a situation to which neither envy, flattery, nor even just praise, can approach; and where the majesty of the man, is placed in the most awful, yet respectable ruins.

"But, to resume the subject, and conclude the argument: 1 wish particularly to shew the utter unlawfulness of rebellion against a ruler, who, though he may be incorrect in his moral conduct, yet rules according to the laws; and the additional blessing of having a Prince, who, while his political conduct is regulated by the principles of the constitution, his heart and life are regulated by the dictates of eternal truth, as contained in that revelation which came from God."

Our attention is now called to that important event, the assumption of the Regency of these realms, by His Royal Highness the Prince of Wales, in consequence of the recurrence of His Majesty's alarming indisposition. This unexpected calamity, which placed the reins of government in the hands of the Heir apparent, seemed to promise his early

friends an immediate introduction into office; but finding that His Royal Highness determined still to retain those ministers who had shewn themselves so faithful to our venerable and afflicted Sovereign, and to adopt such measures as he conceived would promote the best interests of the state, and meet with his Father's approbation in case of His Majesty's recovery, which was not then despaired of, they forgot, in their severe disappointment, that the filial piety of the Prince, which had thus triumphed over every other consideration, deserved their warmest praises, instead of those reproaches with which he was immediately assailed.

Whether a change of His Royal Highness's political views did or did not take place at this time, upon no principles whatever can we justify the conduct of those who, notwithstanding the extremely painful and delicate situation in which the Prince was suddenly placed, could descend to the meanness of invidious attacks upon his private character and conduct. But though his old friends made no allowance for those youthful indiscretions, in which many of themselves had willingly participated; though in expressing their resentment against His Royal Highness, for not elevating them at once into power, notwithstanding his Royal Parent's known aversion, and while it was yet probable that the King would soon recover; they seemed to overleap all the bounds of propriety and decorum, and in effect to say,

"For now a time is come to mock at form!"

Yet the British nation has since done ample justice to the moderate and dignified course which the Prince thought proper to pursue, and which has issued in results so truly honourable to the empire at large.

Finding it utterly impossible to avoid paying the tribute of silent or involuntary applause to that minute and tender care for the feelings, and that