subsisting between the court of St. James and the Vatican, and which render the declarations an ungentlemanly state paper,--the littleness in wounding unnecessarily the feelings of that large proportion of the community which is catholic,—the injustice and impolicy of continuing any thing in existence which serves to keep prejudice against them alive,-and the wisdom and expediency of every legislative or ministerial measure of graciousness and conciliation, -seem to point out the propriety of repealing altogether these senseless, offensive, and inofficious declarations. CHAP. XCV. DEATH OF MR. GRATTAN. IN a former page we noticed the death of this eloquent and amiable senator,-this able, enlightened and consistent advocate of catholic emancipation. Nature denied him some of the most important qualifications of an orator, and his taste was not that of Cicero; but she gave him genius and industry, a powerful understanding, a liberal mind, and an honourable soul. He certainly was entitled to be classed among the greatest orators of our time. His speech in 1808, in favour of catholic emancipation, may be considered as a complete specimen of his peculiar style of oratory. The writer has observed, in a former page, that this speech presents an union of eloquence, imagery and philosophy, which is rarely found in any composition; and that nothing can show more strongly, than a comparison between Mr. Grattan and his imitators, the vast space which is ever discernible between a man of real genius, philosophy and business, and a mere artist in language. At the end of May 1820, Mr. Grattan came for the last time to London :-On the first day of the following June, the writer of these pages called upon him; and, being informed that he was extremely ill, was retiring without having seen him; but Mr. Grattan, having heard that he was in the house, sent for him. It was evident that he touched the moment of his dissolution :-but the ethereal vigour of his mind was unsubdued, and his zeal for the catholic cause unabated. He pressed the writer by the hand :"It is," he said, "all over!--yes,-all over!-but "I will die in the cause.-I mean to be carried to "the house of commons to-morrow-to beg leave "of the speaker to take the oaths sitting, and then "to move two resolutions." These he mentioned to the writer; but spoke so indistinctly, that the writer could only perceive, generally, that they were substantially the same as the clauses, which he had prefixed to the bill, which, in 1812, he brought into parliament for the relief of the catholics. He again pressed the writer by the hand, repeated the intention of being carried to the house, and desired the writer to attend him to it:-But-he died in the ensuing night! He was buried in Westminster Abbey: his funeral was most honourably attended: the charity-boys of all the catholic schools in London were present, and behaved with a seriousness which affected every beholder. As a parliamentary orator Mr. Grattan was equalled passed by none. He reflected honour on the country which gave him birth in the parliament of Ireland he had but one rival: the parliament of the united empire felt that he added to its lustre, admired, respected and loved him. It is honourable to the catholic cause to have had such an advocate. CHAP. XCVI. DISAPPOINTMENT OF THE CATHOLICS AT THE FAILURE OF THE BILL FOR THEIR RELIEF IN THE HOUSE OF LORDS-PROPOSED RENEWAL OF THEIR APPLICATIONS TO PARLIAMENT. THE result of the debate in the house of lords, on the bill for the relief of the roman-catholics, was a severe disappointment to them.-Under it they cling to every subject of consolation which offers,-fortunately several present themselves : I. The strange objection from the coronation oath is no longer urged :-nor has a whisper from any respectable quarter intimated, that any prejudice against the bill is entertained by our enlightened sovereign: II. For the first time, a bill for the emancipation of the roman-catholics has passed the house of commons; for the first time, four cabinet ministers have voted for it; for the first time, a British secretary of state, and a chief secretary for Ireland, have declared in parliament, that catholic emancipation is a measure essential to the tranquillity and prosperity of the empire,-and to the completion of the union: III. It has also been admitted, that catholic emancipation made a part of the plans of Mr. Pitt, for the final incorporation and settlement of the two kingdoms: IV. By the universal confession of the opponents of this great national measure, all the reasons which have been assigned for continuing in force the penalties and disabilities, under which the catholics still suffer, are now reduced to ONE. It is also confessed, that this one reason cannot be supported in argument, except by supposing the existence of an imperious state necessity, which still requires the depression and the degradation of the catholics in opposition to every general principle of wisdom, sound policy and humanity :-Here we beg leave shortly to detain our readers: 1. During the reign of queen Elizabeth general disloyalty was charged on the catholics; the conduct of a very small number of individuals was criminal, but it is now acknowledged that the general conduct of the body was not only blameless but exemplary. At all events, this charge ceased with the life of the queen-2. During the two following reigns, the religion of the catholics was the only charge against them;—the church and state pronounced that their religion was superstitious, erroneous and idolatrous; that the toleration of it was therefore a crime*, and, (to use the very words of Knox), that "the idolater "should die the death:"-but intolerance on this ground is now universally exploded,--this charge therefore vanishes:-3. In the reign of Charles the second, Oates's plot was fabricated; and for their • "Judgment of divers of the archbishops and bishops of "Ireland on the toleration of religion." Ante, vol. ii. p. 101. supposed participation in it, those laws were passed which inflicted the penalties and disabilities of which the catholics now particularly complain: but Mr. Hume, (with all other writers of the present time), now informs us, that "Oates's plot is an incident, "which, for the credit of the nation, it is desirable "to bury in eternal oblivion." This charge therefore is withdrawn:-4. The Revolution subjected the catholics to a new charge,-a supposed attachment to James the second and his descendants;-but James and all his descendants are gone to the grave of all the Capulets, and the attachment of the catholics to the house of Hanover is now undisputed; no ground for this charge therefore exists :-5. Forced, even by their own confession, from all these holds, the enemies of catholic emancipation profess to justify it on the ground, that the catholics divide their allegiance between the king and the pope; but allegiance to the pope is nonsense :-the catholics, with all the gravity of face in their power, have disclaimed it; and no one now really imagines it. Thus this charge has passed away with the rest:-6. At last,-all other reasons for the refusal of catholic emancipation failing, it has been discovered that catholic emancipation is incompatible with the protestant ascendancy, which, it is said, the revolution of 1688, consecrated as a principle of the constitution. This is THE ONE, -the only reason, now alleged for resisting the catholic claims. - But, will it not be found extremely difficult to prove, or even so much as to define with accuracy, the supposed constitutional principle of protestant. ascendancy, without maintaining a principle confessedly unconstitutional? that there are laws which, |