the indulgent provisions of which expired on the 4th of July last. The effect of these laws has been to reduce the debt from the purchasers to a remaining balance of about 4,300,000 dollars due; more than three-fifths of which are for lands within the state of Alabama. I recommend to Congress the revival and continuance for a further term, of the beneficent accommodations to the public debtors, of that statute; and submit to their consideration, in the same spirit of equity, the remission, under proper discriminations, of the forfeitures of partial payments on account of purchase of the public lands, so far as to allow of their application to other payments.

There are various other subjects of deep interest to the whole union, which have heretofore been recommended to the consideration of Congress, as well by my predecessors as, under the impression of the duties devolving upon me, by myself. Among these are the debts rather of justice than gratitude to the surviving warriors of

the revolutionary war; the extension of the judicial administration of the federal government to those extensive and important members of the Union, which, having risen into existence since the organization of the present judiciary establishment, now constitute at least onethird of its territory, power, and population; the formation of a more effective and uniform system for the government of the militia, and the amelioration, in some form or modification, of the diversified and often oppressive codes, relating to insolvency. Amidst the multiplicity of topics of great national concernment which may recommend themselves to the calm and patriotic deliberations of the legislature, it may suffice to say, that to all these, and other measures which may receive their sanction, my hearty co-operation will be given, conformably to the duties enjoined upon me, and under the sense of all the obligations prescribed by the constitution,

JOHN QUINCY ADAMS. Washington, Dec. 4, 1827.

On the 3rd of May, a deputation, consisting of twenty-four deputies, and fourteen senators, met the emperor at the gate of the chamber, where he was received by the president and the secretary, who, with the deputation, accompanied him to the throne. Being seated, he delivered the following speech:

"August and honourable Representatives of the Brazilian nation -I meet you here, in pursuance of the law, resolved to open this VOL. LXIX.

assembly with the same enthusiasm with which I have always performed that duty; but I cannot say with the same joy, since the place of that feeling is occupied in my imperial heart by grief and affliction for the death of my dearly beloved and ever amiable spouse, the empress. On the 11th of December, at a quarter after ten in the morning, she left this world for the mansion of the just, wherein she will assuredly dwell, as we all through faith believe 2 F

that place to be destined for those who, like her, have led a virtuous and religious life.

"This event, which all have deplored, and which still presents itself to my mind with as much force as if it had taken place but yesterday, occurred while I was in the province of the Rio Grande de San Pedro de Sul, exerting every effort which the love of country could suggest to me, with the view of terminating the war between Brazil and Buenos Ayres, by that display of enthusiasm to which I expected the warlike hearts of the inhabitants of that province would give birth. This war, the existence of which I formerly announced to you, in this place, still continues, and must continue until the Cisplatine province, which is ours, be delivered from its invaders, and Buenos Ayres recognize the independence of the Brazilian nation and the integrity of the empire with the incorporation of the Cis-Platina, which has freely and spontaneously desired to form part of this empire. I speak in this manner because I feel confident that you will realize the exertions which, that the assembly would make, was last session solemnly ordered to be declared to me through the medium of the deputation sent to my imperial presence, to explain to me the sentiments of the assembly, which in every respect corresponded with those of the speech by which the session was opened.

"A well-organized system of finance should be the particular object of your attention in this session; for the present system (as you will see from the report of the minister of finance) is not only faulty, but worse than faulty, and gives occasion to all sorts of defal

cations. We want, I repeat, a system of finance calculated to cover I do not say all, but-the greater portion of our present ex. penses, which, being created by the laws, cannot be avoided by any measures of the government.

"The judicial power is an inportant department which will greatly contribute to the due exe cution of this new system of finance which I hope to see established. We have no code, no forms of process, suited to the spirit of the age. The laws clash with each other-the judges are embarrassed by the decisions-the parties in suits are injured-criminals escape punishment the salaries of the judges are not sufficient to secure them against the temptations of a vile and sordid interest; and therefore it is necessary that this assembly should speedily and earnestly proceed to accomplish an object so important to the public tranquillity and hap piness. Without a good system of finance and justice, a nation cannot exist. I am well aware that there are many objects to which the attention of this assembly must be directed, that all cannot be done in one session, and that business must stand over from one session to another. But it is necessary to begin, and to begin with unanimity on one or the other of these two subjects; and when it is necessary to postpone the consideration of them for other matters (which cannot be avoided in any country in subjects of so delicate a nature) I exact of this assembly that these delays shall be as short as possible, and that those laws be established which at every step we find the constitution indispensably demand, in order to its being properly executed. In the midst of a war,

though every thing may not be properly organized, the government requires to be authorized by this assembly, as far as may be proper, to enable it to impose a check on the conduct of dilapidators of the public finances, of those who do not discharge the duties of their offices, and of those who attempt to disturb the established order of things (which all have sworn to maintain), by dismissing or punishing the offenders. "No one is more anxious than I to adhere to the law. But when those who depart from it do not immediately find something else to restrain them, it is necessary that the government should possess the required authority, while the general system is not completely organized, and every thing going on regularly and constitutionally.

"The relations of friendship between this empire and all the nations who have sent ministers to us, exist unchanged; and the departure of the envoy of the United States of America, which was so sudden, and for which there was so little reason, ought not to cause any uneasiness, since we may rely on the prudence of the president of those states, and on the wisdom, justice, and impartiality of the North American people.

" The nuptials of my daughter, the queen of Portugal, have been already celebrated at Vienna, and I hope soon to see my brother, her husband, in this court. The constitutional cause triumphs in Portugal, in spite of the powerful parties who wish to oppose it; and it

is impossible that it should be otherwise, seeing that the charter has been so legitimately conferred.

"Reverting to the affairs of the empire, I am intimately persuaded that all who do not think relative to them in the same manner in which I have expressed myself in this my imperial speech, are not the real friends of the empireare not constitutional imperialists, but monsters in disguise, who are only waiting for an opportunity to satiate their vindictive thirst in the blood of those who defend the throne, the country, and religion.

"I feel assured that there is not within the walls of this chamber any one of the national representatives whose opinion is not in this respect the same as mine, whatever may be the means by which he would seek to attain the object of my desire, which is to see the empire consolidated, and the people happy.

"Thus, august and honourable Representatives of the Brazilian nation, having recommended to your consideration what appears to me best suited to the interests of the nation, I withdraw, trusting in you, and in the hope of being able to say to you in the speech with which this assembly will be closed, 'Less could not be expected from you, and I am satisfied-the nation is content-we are happy

the assembly which has legislated so wisely has done well.'

"THE CONSTITUTIONAL EMPEROR AND PERPETUAL DEFENDER OF BRAZIL.

being aware that any such expression ever passed, he (colonel Lennox) knew not of any better mode of clearing up the matter than by writing a letter to every member at Daubigny's club, desiring each of them to let him know if he could recollect any expression to have been used in his (colonel Lennox's) presence, which could bear the construction put upon it by his Royal Highness; and, in such case, by whom the expression was used. None of the members of the club having given an affirmative answer to this request, and the Duke still declining to give any further explanation than he had done before the officers of the Coldstream regiment, colonel Lennox thought it incumbent on him to call upon his Royal Highness for the satisfaction due from one gentleman to another. The Duke at once waved that distinction of rank of which he might have properly availed himself, and consented to give colonel Lennox the meeting required. The following is the account of the affair as published by the two seconds, lord Rawdon (the late marquis of Hastings) and lord Winchilsea :—

"In consequence of a dispute already known to the public, his royal highness the duke of York, attended by lord Rawdon, and lieutenant-colonel Lennox, accompanied by the earl of Winchilsea, met at Wimbledon-common. The ground was measured at twelve paces, and both parties were to fire at a signal agreed upon. The signal being given, lieutenantcolonel Lennox fired, and the ball grazed his Royal Highness's curl; the duke of York did not fire. Lieutenant-colonel Lennox observed that his Royal Highness had not fired. Lord Rawdon said

it was not the Duke's intention to fire; his Royal Highness had come out upon lieutenant-colonel Lennox's desire to give him satisfaction, and had no animosity against him. Lieutenant-colonel Lennox pressed that the duke of York should fire, which was declined, upon a repetition of the reason. Lord Winchilsea then went up to the duke of York, and expressed his hope that his Royal Highness would have no objection to say he considered lieutenant-colonel Lennox as a man of honour and courage? His Royal Highness replied, that he should say nothing; he had come out to give lieutenantcolonel Lennox satisfaction, and did not mean to fire at him: if lieutenant-colonel Lennox was not satisfied, he might fire again. Lieutenant-colonel Lennox said, he could not possibly fire again at the Duke, as his Royal Highness did not mean to fire at him. On this, both parties left the ground. The seconds think it proper to add, that both parties behaved with the most perfect coolness and intrepidity. "RAWDON, "WINCHILSEA."

As soon as this affair of honour was concluded at Wimbledon, two letters were sent express to town, one to the prince of Wales, and the other to the duke of Cumberland, giving them an account of the proceeding; and at the instant of the duke of York's return, the prince of Wales, with filial attention to the anxiety of his royal parents, set off to Windsor, lest hasty rumour had made them acquainted with the business. Such was the caution observed by the duke of York to keep this meeting with colonel Lennox a secret from the prince of Wales, that he left his hat at Carlton-house, and took