numerous standing army is kept up. Shall we, then, take any of our measures from the examples of our neighbours? No, Sir; on the contrary, from their misfortunes, we ought to learn to avoid thofe rocks, upon which they have split.

IT fignifies nothing to tell me, that our army is commanded by fuch gentlemen, as cannot be fuppofed to join in any measures for enflaving theit' country. It may be fo; I hope it is fo. I have a very good opinion of many gentlemen now in the army: I believe they would not join in any fuch measures. But their lives are uncertain; nor can we be sure how long they may be continued in command. They may be all difmiffed in a moment, and proper tools of power put in their room. Befides, Sir, we know the paffions of men; we know how dangerous it is, to truft the best of men with too mnch power. Where was there a braver army, than that under Julius Cæfar? Where was there ever an army, that had ferved their country more faithfully? That army was commanded by the beft citizens of Rome, by men of great fortune and figure in their country; yet that army enflaved their country. The affections of the foldiers towards their country, the honour and integrity of the under-officers, are not to be depended

on.

By the military law, the administration of justice is fo quick, and the punishments so severe, that neither officer nor foldier dares offer to dispute the orders of his fupreme commander; he must not confult his own inclinations. If an officer were commanded to pull his own father out of this house he must do it; he dares not difobey; immediate death would be the fure confequence of the leaft grumbling. And if an officer were fent into the court of requests, accompanied by a body of musketeers with fcrewed bayonets,

bayonets, and with orders to tell us what we ought to do, and how we were to vote-I know what would be the duty of this houfe; I know it would be our duty, to order the officer to be taken, and hanged up at the door of the lobby: but, Sir, I doubt much if fuch a spirit could be found in this houfe, or in any house of commons that will ever be in England.

SIR, I talk not of imaginary things: I talk of what has happened to an English houfe of commons, and from an English army; not only from an English army, but an army that was raised by that very house of commons, an army that was paid by them, and an army that was commanded by generals appointed by them. Therefore, do not let us vainly imagine, that an army raised and maintained by authority of parliament, will always be fubmiffive to them. If an army be fo numerous as to have it in their power to over-awe the parliament, they will be fubmiffive as long as the parliament does nothing to difoblige their favourite general; but when that cafe happens, I am afraid, that in place of the parliament's difmiffing the army, the army will difmifs the parliament, as they have done heretofore. Nor does the legality, or illegality, of that parliament, or of that army, alter the cafe: for, with refpect to that army, and, according to their way of thinking, the parliament difmiffed by them was a legal parliament; they were an army raised and maintained according to law; and, at firft, they were raised, as they imagined, for the prefervation of those liberties, which they afterwards deftroyed.

IT has been urged, Sir, that, whoever is for the proteftant fucceffion, must be for continuing the

army:

army: for that very reafon, Sir, I am against continuing the army. I know, that neither the proteftant fucceffion in his Majesty's most illuftrious house, nor any fucceffion, can ever be safe, as long as there is a standing army in the country. Armies, Sir, have no regard to hereditary fucceffions. The first two Cæfars at Rome, did pretty well, and found means to keep their armies in tolerable subjection, because the generals and officers were all their own creatures. But how did it fare with their fucceffors? Was not every one of them named by the army, without any regard to hereditary right, or to any right? A cobler, a gardener, or any man who happened to raise himself in the army, and could gain their affections, was made emperor of the world. Was not every fucceeding emperor raised to the throne, or tumbled headlong into the duft, according to the mere whim or mad frenzy of the foldiers?

We are told, this army is defired to be continued but for one year longer, or for a limited term of years. How abfurd is this diftinction! Is there any army in the world continued for any term of years? Does the most absolute monarch tell his army that he is to continue them for any number of years, or any number of months? How long have we already continued our army from year to year? And, if it thus continue, wherein will it differ from the standing armies of those countries which have already submitted their necks to the yoke? We are now come to the Rubicon: our army is now to be reduced, or it never will. From his Majefty's own mouth, we are affured of a profound tranquillity abroad; we know there is one at home. If this is not a proper time, if these circumstances do not afford us a fafe opportunity, for reducing at least a part of our regular forces,

we

we never can expect to fee any reduction: and this nation already over-burdened with debts and taxes, must be loaded with the heavy charge of perpetually fupporting a numerous standing army; and remain, for ever, expofed to the danger of having its liberties and privileges trampled upon, by any future king or miniftry, who fhall take it in their heads to do so, and shall take a proper care to model the army for that purpose.

SOCRATES AND GLAUCO.

HE young people of Athens, dazzled with the glory of Themiftocles, Cimon, and Pericles; and full of wild ambition, after having received, for fome time, the leffons of the Sophifts, who promised to make them great politicians; conceived themfelves capable of every thing, and afpired at the highest employments. One of thefe, named Glauco, had taken it fo ftrongly into his head, to enter upon the administration of public affairs, that none of his friends were able to divert him, from a design fo little confiftent with his age and capacity. Socrates, meeting him one day, very genteelly engaged him in a converfation upon the fubject.

"You are defirous, then, of a fhare in the government of the republic," faid Socrates. "True," replied Glauco. "You cannot have a more honourable defign, answered Socrates; for, if you fucceed, you will have it in your power, to ferve your friends effectually, to aggrandise your family, and to extend

the

the confines of your country. You will make yourfelf known, not only to Athens, but throughout all Greece; and, perhaps, your renown, like that of Themistocles, may fpread abroad among the barbarous nations."So fmooth and infinuating a prelude, was extremely pleasing to the young man. He ftaid willingly, and the converfation continued. "Since

you defire to be efteemed and honoured, no doubt your view is to be useful to the public?" "Certainly." "Tell me, then, I beseech you, in the name of the gods, what is the firft fervice you propofe to render the ftate ?" As Glauco feemed at a loss, and meditated upon what he fhould anfwer, "I prefume," continued Socrates," it is to enrich it, that is to fay, to augment its revenues.' "My very thought." "You are well verfed, then, undoubtedly, in the revenues of the ftate, and know perfectly to what they amount; you have not failed to make them your particular ftudy, in order, that, if a fund fhould happen to fail, by any unforeseen accident, you might be able to fupply the deficiency by another." "I proteft," replied Glauco," that never entered into my thoughts." "At least, you will tell me, to what the expences of the republic amount; for you must know the importance of retrenching fuch as are fuperfluous." "I own," fays Glauco, "I am as little informed in this point, as the other." "You must, therefore, refer your defign of enriching the ftate to another time; for it is impoffible you fhould do it, whilft you are unacquainted with its revenues and expences.' "But," faid Glauco, "there is still another way, which you have not mentioned: a state may be enriched upon the ruin of its enemies." "You are in the right," replied Socrates; but that depends upon its being the ftrongeft; otherwife it incurs the danger of lofing

what